My Story ~ Foreword

chinaustIn 1997 Stephen Fitzgerald, Australia’s first Ambassador to China, published a book titled “Is Australia an Asian Country?” It is an intellectual book, alert to the strengths and weaknesses of both Australia and China, but its populist, questioning title was deliberately provocative. The book includes discussion of “the history of our own society in relation to China” (p16) and China is “something of a touchstone” to Fitzgerald’s consideration of his own country. Australia’s knowledge of and attitudes towards China become a way for Stephen Fitzgerald to chart developments in Australians’ sense of their own identity. He is decidedly of the view that the “Asian challenge for Australia is not economic or commercial” but “intellectual, and the issues are political and cultural” (p4).

These comments are worth remembering: they have just as much relevance today, and if the question in Fitzgerald’s title does not seem as startling as in 1997 it is because Australians have heard the question many times, have become more Asia and China aware and more knowledgeable about our neighbouring region. Not the least of the reasons for this progress is the extent of Asian, including Chinese, migration. Europeans who visit Australia nowadays are often struck by the extent of an Asian presence – of Asian faces in the street, in schools and universities, of Asian shops and restaurants, and of Asian participation in Australian industry. The dominant group in this presence is ethnically Chinese, although it must be stressed often from South-east Asia as well as mainland China.

Chinese migration to Australia actually has a long (by white Australian standards) history. There have been claims of Chinese explorers coming to Australia centuries ago but these remain controversial. What is sure is that in the last fifty years of the nineteenth century more than 100,000 Chinese migrated to Australia, mainly from Guangdong and Fujian provinces. They were driven from China by the Taiping Rebellion and other political upheavals and by natural disasters, and were drawn to Australia by the prospect of work (often as contract labourers with poor conditions) and by gold. Many suffered enormous hardship and racial vilification, many died and many left, but after gold petered out some set up small businesses and market gardens in both towns and cities. At the time of founding Australia as a nation in 1901 there were more ethnically Chinese people in the country than of any other non-European group. However, the first legal activity of the new Parliament was to enact the White Australia policy, so that the number of Chinese diminished from 30,000 in 1901 to 12,000 in 1947. The number in Western Australia, never very large, was less than 400. Read more

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我的故事 ~ 序




然而这一切在近年来全都改变了。据人口统计学家詹姆斯贾普报道,“…1986年和1991年之间生于中国的移民人口增加了一倍,到1996年又进一步增加了40%,达到111,000人。”(p219)现在这个过程仍在继续,又有很多中国人来到了澳大利亚来临时工作或学习。然而,这些统计数据只给了我们一个笼统的面貌,至于数字背后的生命,或出于主动选择或出于被迫接受,却很少被提及。每个客观统计数据的背后都是一个活生生的人,都有一张脸,一双手和一个跳动的心脏,他们都有自己的故事要讲。 Read more

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My Story ~ Foreword ~ Chinese in Australia, 1980 –

chinaustr2There are many features in this book that offer a distinctive contribution to our knowledge and understanding of Chinese in Australia from the 1980s, a time coinciding with the opening up of China to increased business and personal travel experiences. Historically there have been different waves of Chinese, from the early period of indentured labour and gold-seekers, to the contemporary period where there is a more varied mix of commerce, small businesses, investment, educational, and travel.

This book focuses on the period from 1980. There are many pivotal and distinctive features in this study, which focuses on the personal stories of selected Chinese people, predominantly in Western Australia.

The interviews of men and women reveal poignant details of their personal feelings and experiences. They have varied backgrounds, some entered on 457 visas, most have, or sought education, professional employment or business opportunities.

Importantly, many reveal a glimpse into their personal life in China, or other countries, prior to arriving in Australia. These details provide the backdrop to exposed mixed feelings of cultural loss in Australia. We learn about the difficulties of language, of unfamiliarity of employment and the workplace, not only on their arrival, but as a continuing theme.

Cultural differences and the difficulty of adaptation are revealed sensitively. There is courage in the openness to talk with feeling, and often humour, of Australian habits, and although they appreciate the orderliness and opportunities in Australia, most expressed a preference to continue Chinese eating, family and cultural habits. Central to this sensitive discussion is the discussion of ‘home’ of loyalty; of sense of place; of country. The strength of this book is the honesty and sensitive approach to these difficult questions of identity, culture, family and ‘home’.

Dr Jan Ryan

Honorary Professor
Edith Cowan University

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我的故事 ~ 序 ~ 二十世纪八十年代的澳洲华人








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Dziga Vertov ~ The Man With The Movie Camera (1929)

Part documentary and part cinematic art, this film follows a city in the 1920s Soviet Union throughout the day, from morning to night. Directed by Dziga Vertov, with a variety of complex and innovative camera shots, the film depicts scenes of ordinary daily life in Russia. Vertov celebrates the modernity of the city, with its vast buildings, dense population and bustling industries. While there are no titles or narration, Vertov still naturally conveys the marvels of the modern city.

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Het Bonger Instituut voor Criminologie


Willem Adriaan Bonger (1876-1940)

Het Bonger Instituut voor Criminologie is een multidisciplinaire onderzoeksgroep binnen de Faculteit der Rechtsgeleerdheid van de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Het instituut is vernoemd naar Willem Adriaan Bonger (1876-1940), de eerste hoogleraar sociologie en criminologie aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam. In die traditie doen wij onderzoek naar criminologische ontwikkelingen in samenhang met rechtshandhaving. Deze dynamische relatie onderzoeken wij vanuit drie hoofdvragen:

– Hoe werkt de formele controle van criminaliteit?
– Hoe en op welke schaal ontwikkelen de aard en omvang van criminaliteit?
– Hoe verhouden deze gebieden zich tot elkaar?

Vooral drugs en geweld komen aan bod. Zo doen we bijvoorbeeld onderzoek naar de ontwikkelingen op de cannabismarkt in Nederland. Ons onderzoek kent een sterke empirische traditie en behelst zowel wetenschappelijk theorievormend als maatschappelijk beleidsondersteunend onderzoek.

Het instituut is vernoemd naar Willem Adriaan Bonger (1876-1940), hoogleraar sociologie en criminologie aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Bonger leverde een belangrijke bijdrage aan de vooroorlogse ontwikkeling van deze twee sociale wetenschappen in Nederland. In 1905 voltooide hij zijn proefschrift “Criminalité et conditions économiques”, waarin hij een verband legde tussen misdaad en economische omstandigheden. In 1913 schrijft hij een ander belangrijk werk, “Geloof en misdaad”, waarin hij het beeld weerlegde dat de ontkerkelijking zou leiden tot meer criminaliteit. Bonger was kritisch over de destijds heersende biologisch georiënteerde ideeën over criminaliteit, en pleitte voor een sociologische benadering. In zijn werk maakte hij ook gebruik van statistische analyses. Hij bezette de eerste leerstoel in de sociologie en de criminologie in Nederland vanaf 1921.

De multidisciplinariteit en maatschappelijke betrokkenheid van zijn werk zijn ook vandaag de dag binnen het Bonger Instituut belangrijke waarden.

In de komende maanden zullen een aantal onderzoeken van het Bonger Instituut in de Quarterly worden gepubliceerd.

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