Art Manifestation On Friendship/(Collateral Damage) III – The Third GaLUT – Upcoming Events

Upcoming events:

Location: Locus Solus  (Artist Practise in Progress) Oudezijds Voorburgwal 131, Amsterdam
Datum: zaterdag 7 december 2019 – 17.00 uur.

Gastheren: Franck Gribling en Joseph Sassoon Semah
Rondetafelgesprek onder leiding van Albert van der Weide over de rol van kunstenaarsinitiatieven in het verleden en heden.
De deelnemers vertellen over hun initiatieven en ervaringen.
Met: Joseph Sassoon Semah (Stichting MaKOM en meerjarige project On Friendship/(Collateral Damage), franck gribling (Art for the Millions Project, Stichting City Thoughts met uiteindelijk de plek Locus Solus), Peter Baren (onafhankelijke Performing Artist), Ieke Trinks (beeldend kunstenaar en auteur over kunstenaarsinitiatieven in NL), Martin Uit den Boogaard (De Branderij Antwerpen), Arnisa Zeqo (RONGWRONG)

Location: Voormalig Burgerweeshuis van Aldo van Eyck, IJsbaanpad 1, Amsterdam
Date: 10 December 2019 – 12 January 2020
Exhibition
Opening and meeting: 10 December 2019, 19.00 hrs.
Guided tours: 14 December, 12.00-13.30 hrs. & 11 January, 12.00- 12.30 hrs.
Joseph Sassoon Semah: ‘Architecture in Exile’, followed by a conversation with Sharon Oldenkotte-Vrolijk of BPD, Director of Art & Culture.
The lecture is preceded by the opening of the exhibition.

Programma van ‘On Friendship (Collateral Damage) III- The Third GaLUT: Baghdad, Jerusalem, Amsterdam
Joseph Sassoon Semah deelt zijn verloren gegane rijke joodse Babylonische culturele erfenis door middel van beeldende kunst, performances, debatten en lezingen. De manifestatie vindt plaats op 36 verschillende locaties in Amsterdam, van 7 september 2019 tot en met 19 januari 2020.
Hilton Amsterdam is een van de 36 locaties.
Stichting Metropool Internationale Kunstprojecten
Curator: Linda Bouws

The complete program: http://rozenbergquarterly.com/art-manifestation-on-friendship-collateral-damage-iii-the-third-galut-baghdad-jerusalem-amsterdam-the-guest-becomes-host/

Het complete programmahttp://rozenbergquarterly.com/kunstmanifestatie-on-friendship-collateral-damage-iii-the-third-galut-baghdad-jerusalem-amsterdam-gast-wordt-gastheer/

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Noam Chomsky: Democratic Party Centrism Risks Handing Election To Trump

As the 2020 election race heats up, U.S. politics, the nation’s political culture as a whole, and even the future of organized human life are at a crossroads. Another four years of Donald Trump would deliver nightmarish blows to democracy and social rights, handing an unthinkable mandate to a president who has become notorious for undermining virtually everything of decent value to humanity.

Yet, the question remains as to whether this dangerous man will actually be defeated in 2020. At the Democratic debate on Wednesday night, we witnessed a cacophony that did little to convey the ideological elements and political values that define the Democratic Party in the age of authoritarian neoliberalism and plutocracy. Intellectual shallowness and opportunism were prevalent throughout the debate. Pete Buttigieg’s meager attempts to parry questions on his lack of support among Black voters attracted the most buzz. Meanwhile, Elizabeth Warren’s reasonable and anything but radical “wealth tax” proposal received little attention because it remains an anathema to the political establishment of the Democratic Party, as do Bernie Sanders’s universal health care and climate change policies.

Indeed, as evidenced by the lack of a coherent vision on the part of most candidates in Wednesday’s Democratic debate in addressing the real threats and challenges facing the country and the whole planet, the Democratic Party is still unable to get its act together, and, in its apparent determination to kill the left wing, it may very well end up ensuring a Trump electoral victory for a second time.

To discuss what is really at stake in the 2020 presidential election,Truthout’s C.J. Polychroniou interviewed Noam Chomsky, the world’s leading public intellectual and a founder of modern linguistics. Chomsky is Professor Emeritus of Linguistics at MIT and Laureate Professor of Linguistics at the University of Arizona. He has published more than 120 books, which have appeared in most of the world’s languages, and is the co-author of the forthcoming book with Robert Pollin and C.J. Polychroniou titled, The Political Economy of Climate Change and the Green New Deal (Verso, 2020).

C.J. Polychroniou: The 2020 U.S. presidential election is less than a year from now, and, while most polls seem to indicate that Trump will lose the national vote, the electoral vote is up for grabs. What manner of a democracy is this, and why isn’t there a public outcry in this country about the antiquated institution of the electoral college?

Noam Chomsky: Preliminary comment: I find it psychologically impossible to discuss the 2020 election without emphasizing, as strongly as possible, what is at stake: survival, nothing less.
Four more years of Trump may spell the end of much of life on Earth, including organized human society in any recognizable form. Strong words, but not strong enough.
I would like to repeat the words of Raymond Pierrehumbert, a lead author of the startling [Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change] report of October 2018, since replaced by still more dire warnings: “With regard to the climate crisis, yes, it’s time to panic. We are in deep trouble.” These should be the defining terms of the 2020 election.

Environmental catastrophe is an imminent threat. Much of the world is taking steps to deal with it — inadequate, but at least something. Trump and the political organization he now virtually owns are taking steps too — to exacerbate the crisis. Some may recall [George] W. Bush’s infamous call, “bring it on,” directed to Iraqis preparing to “attack us” (in what happened to be their country, but put that aside). Bush later apologized, with regret, but Trump is proud to outdo him, calling on the rising seas and burning Earth to put an end to the human experiment.

In fairness, we should add that Trump is also pursuing ways to avert the environmental threat — destroy us first by nuclear war. That is the simple logic of his demolition of the Reagan-Gorbachev [Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces] Treaty followed at once by testing of missiles that violate it; the threat to dismantle the (Eisenhower-initiated) Open Skies Treaty, and finally, New START. These final blows to the arms control regime constitute, very simply, a call to other nations to join us in creating new and even more horrendous weapons to destroy us all, to the unrestrained applause of weapons manufacturers.

Those are the highly likely consequences of more of Trump and the party that grovels at his feet, terrified of his adoring base. They provide the essential background for the 2020 elections.

Turning finally to your question, the electoral college is not the most serious anachronism — even worse is the radically undemocratic Senate. These problems are severe, and remediable only by constitutional amendment that is sure to be blocked by the small states. All of this is part of more fundamental problems. A variety of demographic, structural and policy factors are converging to a situation where a small minority — white, rural, Christian, traditional, older, fearful of losing “their America” — will be able to dominate the political system.

These considerations raise further questions about worship of a document from centuries ago that was in some ways progressive by the standards of its day, but would very likely lead to rejection of an appeal for membership in the European Union by a country bound by it.
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Decolonising ‘Decolonisation’ With Mphahlele

Es’kia Mphahlele – Ills.: unisa.ac.sa

Es’kia Mphahlele was a writer, activist, organiser and teacher committed to the view that ‘Afrikan humanness’ is the real key to our freedom.
This week marks the 10th anniversary of Es’kia Mphahlele’s death.

Mphahlele (1919-2008) was a writer of fiction, a journalist, a cultural activist, an organiser and, above all, a teacher. The main aim of his fiction and non-fiction work was dealing with what he characterised as the “first exile” – from home culture and ways of understanding the world – from which victims of colonisation suffered. Mphahlele argued that colonised people should begin by overcoming “first exile” if they are to develop decolonising theories and practices. In an era in which the decolonisation of politics and knowledge has captured the imagination of many people, we would do well to recall Mphahlele’s work.

The focus on “first exile” is important because the ultimate aim of colonisation is to separate colonised people from their sources of economic autonomy, ways of understanding the world, and, ultimately, from themselves. The primary “spiritual striving” of victims of colonisation, not just colonialism, is a striving against what the great African-American intellectual WEB du Bois called double consciousness. Similar ideas were developed closer to home. Writing in the 1940s, HIE Dhlomo explained that successfully colonised individuals are ‘neither-nor’ characters who “are neither wholly African nor fully Europeanised”. Dhlomo showed that the double consciousness of these characters was evident in their use of “European measuring rods for success, culture, goodness, greatness”.

In a settler colonial context, the work of colonisation would be achieved when leaders of the colonised people calibrate their demands to Western-style multiparty democracy, civil rights and, therefore, the integration of the elite layer of the colonised people into the historically white world. In such a context, the world and privileges of the settler minority are legitimised and guaranteed, while ‘uncivilised’ people, the majority of the population, continue to exist on the underside of the new society.

When the ‘decolonial’ is fundamentally shaped by the colonial
But not all projects of self-determination take the lived experiences and ideas of this majority seriously. Some are attached to colonialist ideas or obsessed with whiteness, leading to ‘radical’ projects that recenter what they aim to challenge.

In the first case, seemingly decolonial projects repeat colonialist ideas about the inherent differences between black and white; the uniqueness of ‘black culture’ and its supposedly essential traits; and the need to retrieve ‘native’ discourses; forgetting that ‘the native’ comes into being only when the settler arrives and that ‘native’ discourse is constituted by what Congolese philosopher VY Mudimbe calls the “colonial library” – colonial experts of various kinds.

In the second case, the black radical’s ‘colonial mentality’ manifests in projects whose main aim is to shame historical colonisers by constantly repeating anti-black discourses that the black man is not human and cannot coexist with humanity. This trend can be seen in certain strands of Afro-pessimism.

The important point here is that decolonisation often needs to be decolonised itself. In South Africa, no other thinker grappled with this dilemma more than Mphahlele. Read more

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The Life And Times Of Es’kia Mphahlele

A wonderful documentary about one of South Africa’s greatest authors, Es’kia Mphahlele, who was one of the first writers to leave for exile in the 1950s and write about apartheid as it was unfolding in South Africa. His novel “Down Second Avenue” became an international sensation and was based on his personal struggles of being raised in poverty, getting an education and leaving the country. Es’kia eventually returned to South Africa in August 1977, during a tumultuous period one year after the June 16, 1976 Soweto riots and less than a month before the death of Steve Bantu Biko. Despite opposition from the South African government, he was offered a position at the University of Witwatersrand and he became an influential cultural leader, revered for his ideas on education and African Humanism.

Part 2 of a wonderful documentary about one of South Africa’s greatest authors, Es’kia Mphahlele, who was one of the first writers to leave for exile in the 1950s and write about apartheid as it was unfolding in South Africa. His novel “Down Second Avenue” became an international sensation and was based on his personal struggles of being raised in poverty, getting an education and leaving the country. Es’kia eventually returned to South Africa in August 1977, during a tumultuous period one year after the June 16, 1976 Soweto riots and less than a month before the death of Steve Bantu Biko. Despite opposition from the South African government, he was offered a position at the University of Witwatersrand and he became an influential cultural leader, revered for his ideas on education and African Humanism.

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Cargo In Context & De Brakke Grond ~ On-Trade-Off; The Weight Of Wonders

On-Trade-Off; The Weight of Wonders

With: Sammy Baloji, Marjolijn Dijkman, Maarten Vanden Eynde, Musasa, Jean Katambayi, Georges Senga and Daddy Tshikaya
On-Trade-Off is a long-term artistic research project by an international group of artists, filmmakers and researchers, that want to bring attention to the ecological and economic implications of the extraction and processing of lithium, the most important natural resource for the world-wide production of ‘green’ energy. In the West, lithium is presented as a major step in the production of a green economy, while the burdens for the local population, where lithium is extracted, are neglected.

Cargo and De Brakke Grond have combined their strengths for a first presentation in the Netherlands of this extensive project, after previous stages of this project were presented at Contour Biennal Mechelen (BE), Galerie Imane Farès (FR) and the Lubumbashi Biennale (DRC).
Lia Gieling, curator Cargo in Context
Wytske Visser, programme manager visual arts Vlaams Cultuurhuis de Brakke Grond

On-Trade-Off follows the trace of lithium from its origin, namely the mining town Manono in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where the largest lithium ore supply in the world has been discovered. Lithium has been named ‘the new black gold’. A diverse group of artists follows the international trade
route via Australia and China to Europe.
By using one chemical element – Li3 – On-Trade-Off zooms in on the social, ecological, economical and political aspects that are present in almost all
production processes since the triangular trade in the 16th century. Think of the inhuman labour during the extraction, the economical inequality to sustain
economical growth by all costs and the ignorant end users that are not aware of what will happen to the purchased goods.
By exposing the full supply chain of lithium, the (seemingly independent) elements that sustain this recurring imbalance, are connected and made visible.

From Manono (DRC) the journey continues to Australia, where the Tesla Energy Storage System is, currently the largest battery in the world and then to China, the largest producer of lithium batteries that are massively exported to the West.
Speculatively, the route ends in Africa, where a lot of electronic waste is dumped and is therefor returned to its origin, completing the triangular trade.

On-Trade-Off is developed in several spaces, in diverse forms and contexts, where each presentation or spin-off focuses on different elements of the
larger story. Collaboration and exchange is created everywhere with an abundance of people and organisations with diverse backgrounds, such as visual artists, curators, local communities, NGOs, filmmakers, thinkers, activists, computer engineers and designers.

The project exists of a series of new individually and collectively made art works. These are developed during three years and are the result of collectively
acquired knowledge and gathered research material around the subject.
Each of the participants approaches On-Trade-Off from their own artistic interest and media and the collected research material will be made available
to all participants as open source. This introduces a more sustainable form of (art) production.

The exhibition: The Weight of Wonders
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The Dutch Black School: They Are Not Us

Lammert de Jong – Being Dutch. More or less. In a comparative Perspective of USA and Caribbean Practices Rozenberg Publishers 2010. ISBN 978 90 3610 210 0 – The complete book will be online soon. 

‘An Inconvenient Truth’
In the Netherlands, black’ is not black; it is ‘non-western’, including Moroccan, Turkish, and people of Caribbean origin, lumped together as allochtons. In government statistics, schools with more than 70% allochton pupils are generally classified as a black school; schools with less than 20% allochton pupils are graded as white. The black school concept is also used in relation to the surrounding neighborhood. Schools with more pupils of non-western origin than expected in view of the composition of the neighborhood are labeled blacker or, in the case of an over-representation of white pupils, whiter. A deviation of 20% or more between neighborhood and school population classifies a school as too white or too black (Forum, 2007). The number of primary schools with more than 70% allochton pupils is increasing; in Dutch nomenclature: the schools are becoming blacker.

The Dutch black school is a perfidious contraption that locks in children of non-western origin, while its black label flags an underlying apartheid syndrome to underscore for the True Dutch – intentionally or not – how different these allochtons are. Yet the black school touches an open nerve in the Netherlands, a sensitive reality that surpasses its statistical definition. On the one hand the black school reeks of apartheid, which the Dutch so bravely contest when occurring elsewhere in the world. On the other hand the True Dutch are well aware that their entitlement and unencumbered access to white schools is at stake when school segregation is tackled in earnest. So far Dutch counteraction is limited to research and some experimental desegregation projects.

The Dutch black school is embedded in the particular Dutch school system that funds public-secular as well as private-denominational schools. Once, the Dutch school system was driven by the accommodation of different beliefs. On the strength of their belief – church-religion or secular ideology – parents wanted a school for their children that adhered to the values, doctrines, and rules of their faith, and paid for by the state. [Note: In 2009 the Netherlands’ Council of State pointed out that publicly financed orthodox religion-based schools may refuse teachers who identify with a particular gay life style. The fact that a teacher is gay is not sufficient to deny a position, but if he or she is in a same sex relation and married in church or city hall, that may suffice, as such contravenes the orthodox rule that marriage is a holy sacrament between one man and one woman]

Denominational and non-religious schools emphasized particularity, a distinctiveness that corresponded with religious doctrines or ideological orientations. The principle of Freedom of Education (Onderwijsvrijheid) is enshrined in the Netherlands Constitution, art. 23. Over the years parents have come to believe that they are entitled to choose a specific school for their children, which is a travesty of the freedom to choose a particular type of school, based on denominational or secular definition.

Dutch politics wavers when coming to grips with the effects the black school brings – quite literally – home. Most parents don’t set out intending to discriminate, which makes a noble difference, and legally enforced segregation is not on the books. Nonetheless a segregated white-black educational system has become a reality, with most True Dutch children in better schools and having better school careers, and children of allochtons at the other end. And that with long lasting effects after the school years have come to an end. This type of school segregation stigmatizes New Dutch children for life, while reinforcing an allochton footprint that will divide the nation for years to come. Although most political parties assert that integration is the major social issue of our time, they fail to confront the black school with a sense of urgency. Dutch politics still has to acknowledge that the black school emblematizes the allochton population in the Netherlands with an explicit signature: They are not Us.

Black schools are a common feature in most major Dutch cities. So far the black school does not stand out in Dutch politics as a problem that must be solved urgently by law, regulation or in the courts. The black school seems more of an inconvenient truth than a critical social or political issue. To an outsider this must be surprising, given that the Netherlands is known for its rock-solid liberal reputation. How come then that the Netherlands has become a segregated nation? And do they discriminate against people of color? Do the Dutch not know how to handle the ethnic complexities of today’s multi-cultural society? Or is it a lack of compassion for those who do not belong to the white Dutch tribe: Discrimination or not, my children first. Or is it merely a matter of social-economic stratification, a distinction between advantaged and disadvantaged children, so that the Dutch black school is just a myth (Vink, 2010)?

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The Making Of The Statute Of The European System Of Central Banks ~ Contents & Readers’ Guide

Contents

List of Acronyms and Abbreviations
INTRODUCTION
Chapter 1: Introductory Chapter
Zur Thematik – Organization of the book – Methodology and sources – Descriptions of the main documents, committees and historical setting

Chapter 2: Integration Theory, Federalism and Checks and Balances
Integration and transfer of power – Federalism – Checks and balances

PART I
Cluster I (Checks and Balances between the ESCB and the Public Authorities)

Chapter 3: Introduction to Cluster I
Basic Community structure – Independence – Accountability

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