Where Global Contradictions Are Sharpest ~ References

Primary sources

This list relates to the first formal interviews conducted. Supplementary interviews were obtained throughout the ten-year study period. The dates of these comments are provided in the text.

American tourists (2001), interviewed at Kaa, Botswana, July.
Carter, R. (2000), interviewed at Witdraai, Northern Cape, September.
Festus, A. (2000), interviewed at Witdraai, Northern Cape, September.
Kleynhans, L. (2002), interviewed at Andriesvale, Northern Cape, 4 April.
Kruiper, B. (2002), letter to Vanessa McLennan-Dodd, January.
Kruiper, B. (2002), interviewed by Lauren Dyll and Keyan Tomaselli, at Blinkwater, Northern Cape, 19 July.
Kruiper, B. (2001), interviewed by Vanessa McLennan-Dodd at the University of Natal, Durban, 18 October.
Kruiper, B. (2001a), interviewed at Witdraai, Northern Cape, 24 July.
Kruiper, B. (2001b), interviewed at the University of Natal, Durban, October.
Kruiper, B. (2000), interviewed at Blinkwater, Northern Cape, July.
Kruiper, B. (2000), letter recorded in the Northern Cape, March.
Kruiper, D. (2000), interviewed at Witdraai, Northern Cape, September.
Kruiper, I. (2001), interviewed at Ostri-San, North West Province, 8 November.
Kruiper, T. (2002), interviewed at Witdraai, Northern Cape, 17 July.
Kruiper, V. and Van Wyk, S. (2001), interviewed by Nelia Oets and Keyan Tomaselli at Blinkwater, Northern Cape, 20 July.
Malgas, J. (2002), interviewed at Witdraai, Northern Cape, 5 April.
Meintjies, A. (2001), interviewed at Witdraai, Northern Cape, July.
Motshabise, M. (1995), interviewed by Belinda Jeursen at Ngwatle, Botswana.
Motshabise, M. (1999), interviewed at Ngwatle, Botswana, June.
Motshabise, M. (2000), interviewed by Keyan Tomaselli and Anthea Simões at Ngwatle, Botswana, July.
Motshabise, P. (1999), interviewed at Ngwatle, Botswana.
Motshabise, M. and P. (2001), interviewed by Belinda Jeursen at Monong, Botswana, July.
Nxai, J. (2001), interviewed at Ngwatle, Botswana, July.
Nxai, K.J. (2002), interviewed at Ngwatle, Northern Cape, July.
Nxai, K.J. and Nxai, J. (2001), interviewed at Ngwatle, Botswana, July.
Nxai, P. (1999), interviewed by Mashilo (Gibson) Boloka at Ngwatle, Botswana, June.
Orileng, G. (1999), interviewed by Mashilo (Gibson) Boloka at Ngwatle, Botswana, June.
Padmaker, D. (1999), interviewed at Biesjepoort, recorded and transcribed by M. Lange.
Rooi, Ouma !Una (2000), interviewed by Keyan Tomaselli, Anthea Simões and Chantel Oosthuysen at Witdraai, Northern Cape, 27 September.
Vaalbooi, P. (2000), interviewed by Keyan Tomaselli, Chantel Oosthuysen and Anthea Simões in the Northern Cape, 29 September 2000.
Waldron, R. (1995), interviewed by Belinda Jeursen at Ngwatle, Botswana, April.

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Martha Gellhorn ~ A Furious Footnote In History

Bas

Bas Senstius 1957 – 2015

In a man’s world she was one of the few women. Whereas her fellow journalists reported the war as if keeping score, she concentrated on the reality behind the statistics. She reported the Spanish Civil War, the Second World War, Vietnam and Panama. What is it that drives her to these hotbeds ? An interview (conducted in 1991) with an angry old lady.

In 1983, and far into her seventies, Martha Gellhorn can contain her anger no longer. This time the destinations are Nicaragua and El Salvador. She still shudder at the memory.
‘In Central-America was the first time I’ve ever felt real fear. You couldn’t see or hear the danger approaching. Suddenly it was there.’ Back at home England’s Granta publishes a report of hers on an instance of torture. Described in minute detail from the victim’s own account, smuggled out to her under the greatest secrecy – via the Red Cross – by a representative of a human rights organization in San Salvador.
‘There are murders committed every day in El Salvador and it’s costing the American taxpayer enormous sums of money, for no reason. We support these murderers. This has to be stopped.’

Her war coverage, collected in the book The Face of War, and her own choice of her peacetime writings The View from the Ground, are the distillations of sixty years of anger and indignation at the state of affairs in the world in general and in her native United States in particular.
‘The reason I’ve been able to travel all over the world and talk to anybody I want, is that I appear to be harmless, unimportant. I don’t make notes, it’s just like talking to a stranger in the street. If you have a photographer with you or take notes, people notice straight away. They become aware of the situation and tense up, they become cautious, less natural. And, in any case, I wasn’t important enough to have a photographer along.’

In the television film Hemingway Martha Gellhorn is presented as a fanatical, blonde and ambitious journalist. Fanatical she has never been, blonde she has and if it’s ambitious to want to be heard, than she is ambitious. Before she met Hemingway, on holiday in Florida, she had already written a book about unemployment in America in the thirties, entitled The Trouble I’ve Seen. Later she published short stories, ten novels and account of the travels: Travels with Myself and Another.

She married Hemingway in 1940, but the marriage wasn’t to survive the Second World War.
‘I was married to that terrible man for four of five years and am punished daily for that. I don’t want to see his name in your article’, she decrees with a determined look in her eyes. At eighty-one Gellhorn still shows traces of being the beauty to whom Hemingway dedicated For Whom the Bell Tolls.

In the Spring of last year (1990) Bill Buford, Editor-in-Chief of Granta receives a telephone call from Martha Gellhorn. This time it’s Panama. Her report is rife with distrust of the official American version of events. Distrust also of the American and Panamanian authorities. Five thousand words, one for each of the estimated number of dead. The number of injured is unknown. ‘They remain unseen. The Panamanian authorities have admitted that in one night fifteen thousand families were made homeless.’ Read more

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Science, Not Silence ~ March For Science. Earth Day, April 22, 2017

The March for Science is a celebration of our passion for science and a call to support and safeguard the scientific community. Recent policy changes have caused heightened worry among scientists, and the incredible and immediate outpouring of support has made clear that these concerns are also shared by hundreds of thousands of people around the world. Mischaracterization of science as a partisan issue, which has given policymakers permission to reject overwhelming evidence, is a critical and urgent matter. It is time for people who support scientific research and evidence-based policies to take a public stand and be counted.

On April 22, 2017, we walk out of the lab and into the streets

We are scientists and science enthusiasts. We come from all races, all religions, all gender identities, all sexual orientations, all socioeconomic backgrounds, all political perspectives, and all nationalities. Our diversity is our greatest strength: a wealth of opinions, perspectives, and ideas is critical for the scientific process. What unites us is a love of science, and an insatiable curiosity. We all recognize that science is everywhere and affects everyone.

Science is often an arduous process, but it is also thrilling. A universal human curiosity and dogged persistence is the greatest hope for the future. This movement cannot and will not end with a march. Our plans for policy change and community outreach will start with marches worldwide and a teach-in at the National Mall, but it is imperative that we continue to celebrate and defend science at all levels – from local schools to federal agencies – throughout the world.

Read more: https://marchforscience.com/

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Decolonising the University: The African Politics Reading List

Democracy in Africa ~ In response to requests from colleagues and friends, we have assembled a reading list on African Politics. This reading list is collated in solidarity with those who are currently attempting to decolonise the university across Africa, and beyond. We welcome your recommendations of outstanding scholarship to add to this bibliography.

NB: Currently, this list focuses on English translations and texts but we are in the midst of developing lists in other languages and would welcome your suggestions below.

Go to: http://democracyinafrica.org/decolonising-the-university-the-african-politics-reading-list/

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Indigenous Oral Traditions From The Huasteca, Mexico

This paper deals with indigenous oral traditions in Mexico. It addresses issues of indigenous languages and how they can be documented, preserved and revitalized through projects about oral traditions in a national context in which there is a renewed discussion on multiculturalism and cross-cultural understanding.
In Mexico, the discussion of multiculturalism centers on ‘indigenous issues’, specifically on how indigenous peoples should integrate into the so-called modern, more westerly-orientated rest of the nation. In Mexico, indigenous cultures and languages are still systematically discriminated, as they are often seen as irrelevant remnants of a past that have, at most, mere folkloristic value. Since the 1990’s, public policies regarding indigenous issues underwent a change and now focus on concepts of multiculturalism in order to favor a more equal position for indigenous languages and cultures.

The new policies were adopted after national pressures like the 1994 Zapatista uprising, and followed up on international interests in the situation of indigenous peoples, such as shown through the festivities around the 500th Anniversary of the Discovery of America by Columbus in 1992, or in the declaration of the UN’s First and Second Decade of the Indigenous Peoples (1995-2014). They enhance a novel discourse that includes concepts like cultural diversity, interculturalism, intangible heritage, and other terms that are in accordance with the terminology of international conventions on indigenous issues.

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Ikkattinn – Berberse volksverhalen uit Zuid-Marokko

StroomerTalenMarokko

Gesproken talen Marokko

In Noord-Afrika worden van oudsher Berberse talen gesproken. De geschiedenis leert ons dat het altijd al een gebied is geweest waar verschillende culturen elkaar hebben ontmoet en waar verschillende talen naast elkaar hebben bestaan.
Zo werd er tijdens de Romeinse overheersing van Noord-Afrika (van de tweede eeuw voor Christus tot de zesde eeuw na Christus), naast genoemde Berberse talen, Latijn en Punisch gesproken. In het begin van de achtste eeuw na Christus begon de islam zich over Noord-Afrika uit te breiden en dat bracht een verspreiding van Arabische spreektalen met zich mee. Dit proces verliep in het ene gebied langzamer dan in het andere. Zo was waarschijnlijk de overgrote meerderheid van de Marokkaanse bevolking tot ver in de 19e eeuw Berbertalig. In Marokko werden tijdens de periode van koloniale overheersing (1912-1956) Frans en Spaans aan de reeds aanwezige talen toegevoegd.
“In negen landen van Noord-Afrika worden tegenwoordig Berberse talen gesproken. Het totale aantal sprekers is ongeveer vijfentwintig miljoen. We onderscheiden acht à tien verschillende Berberse talen die weliswaar taalkundig sterk verwant, maar in praktijk in wisselende mate onderling ver­staan­baar zijn. Als taalfamilie behoren Berberse talen bij het Afroaziatisch”.

Verreweg de meeste Berbertaligen vinden we in Marokko, een land met 30 miljoen inwoners. Naar schatting de helft van de Marokkanen spreekt van huis uit een van de drie Marokkaanse Berberse talen (voor de geografische verspreiding zie het kaartje): Rifijns Berber (Tarifiyt) in het noorden, met ongeveer twee miljoen sprekers; Midden-Atlas Berber (Tamazight) in het midden, met ongeveer vier miljoen sprekers en Tasjelhiyt Berber (Tasjelhiyt of Tasusi­yt) in het zuiden, met ongeveer negen miljoen sprekers.
Veel Berbertaligen zijn uit hun oorspronkelijke woongebied geëmi­greerd, zowel naar gebieden binnen hun eigen vaderland als naar andere landen. De grootste stad van Marokko, Casablanca, is voor zestig procent Berbertalig; één op de twaalf inwoners van Parijs spreekt een Berberse taal.
Als gevolg van arbeidsmigratie vanuit Marokko, vanaf de jaren zeventig van de vorige eeuw, hebben zich in Nederland veel Marokkanen gevestigd. Thans, 2005, wonen er ongeveer 300.000 Marok­kanen in Nederland. Hiervan is drie­kwart Berbertalig, dus ongeveer 220.000 mensen, waarvan waarschijnlijk 180.000 Rifberbers en 40.000 Berbertaligen uit de Midden-Atlas en Zuid-Marokko.
Het Tasjelhiyt Berber van Zuid-Marokko is naar aantal sprekers de grootste Berberse taal van Marokko. De noordelijke grens van het Tasjelhiyt Berber-taalgebied wordt gevormd door de noordelijke rand van de Hoge-Atlas; de zuidelijke grens is de denkbeeldige lijn van Foum Zguid, een plaats ten zuiden van Ouarzazate, in het oosten, tot het plaatsje Ifni aan de kust in het westen. De oostelijke grens is de denkbeeldige lijn van Demnate, over Ouarzazate naar Foum Zguid. De westelijke grens is de kust van de Atlantische oceaan, tussen de steden Essaouira en Ifni. Ten zuiden van de stad Demnate gaat het Tasjelhiyt Berber geleidelijk over in het Berber van de Midden-Atlas.

as-Sûs al-Aqsâ
Het Tasjelhiyt Berberse taalgebied, dat in oppervlakte ongeveer vier keer zo groot is als Nederland, was bij de oude Arabische geografen en historici bekend als as-Sûs al-Aqsâ “de verafgelegen Sous”. De Sous is de naam van de grote vlakte ten oosten van Agadir. Vandaar dat het Tasjelhiyt Berber ook wel Sous Berber wordt genoemd. In Franstalige werken noemt men deze taal gewoonlijk “Chleuh” of “Tachelhiyt”. Read more

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