Trump Is A Fascist, That’s Clear. But What Kind Exactly?
09-30-2025 ~ When a democratic government transitions into a dictatorship, rebellion becomes a duty.
With each passing day, the Trump administration becomes more authoritarian, shifting the country from a flawed democracy to some variant of fascism. What is President Donald Trump’s ultimate aim? Is he an old-fashioned authoritarian or some type of a new fascist or neofascist? What is the duty of democratic-minded citizens under an emerging dictatorship? Political scientist/political economist, author, and journalist C. J. Polychroniou addresses these and other questions about the current political climate in the United States in the interview that follows with the French-Greek independent journalist and writer Alexandra Boutri.
Alexandra Boutri: I’d like to start by asking you how worried you are about the collapse of “democracy” in the United States and whether it is worth defending a governing system that has worked almost exclusively for the super-rich and the privileged classes.
C. J. Polychroniou: This is a provocative but nonetheless gripping question! My own feeling is that everyone who cares about fundamental personal freedoms, such as freedom of speech, and basic human rights, such as the rights to health, education, a decent standard of living, and a clean environment, should be terribly worried about what is happening in the United States under the current administration. President Donald Trump and his cronies are a real menace to everything that defines a decent society in today’s world. First of all, they want to go back to a time when whiteness was dominant and there was a clear racial hierarchy. They despise racial equality and have nothing but contempt for poor and working-class people. They loathe the idea of an open society and find intolerable constraints on their powers to do as they please. Trump’s priority is concentrating wealth and power for himself and his family. It is a self-serving, special interest presidency unlike anything we have seen in contemporary U.S. politics. George W. Bush’s corrupt presidency, with its long-standing connections to the oil industry, pales in comparison to the way Trump is using the office of the presidency to increase his own personal wealth and that of his family. Donald Trump is the ultimate used car sales conman who will say and do anythig to make an extra buck. For him, democracy and the rule of law are meaningless concepts as evidenced by the way he is systematically targeting universities, courts, the press, and his political opponents. He is astonishingly corrupt, shockingly cruel, and all his political moves are out of the authoritarian playbook. I should add that he is also one of the dumbest presidents, profoundly ignorant of history, geography and scores of other subjects. As so many sources have pointed out, he most likely does have a “lethal aversion to reading.”
Now, you are right of course in pointing out that the system of government in the United States is one that has favored overwhelmingly the rich and the powerful. American democracy is a sham in many ways. The United States is best defined as an oligarchy rather than a democracy. Still, it has been a free country, up until recently, which means the pursuit of political alternatives were open to the citizenry, although the challenges of doing so were and remain unquestionably enormous. Now, unfortunately, we find ourselves at a stage where concerned citizens have to fight for the mere protection of personal freedoms. Resisting Trump’s authoritarianism is a must if there is to be any hope for a better future. We need to defeat the neofascists. That’s the number one priority. But we need to do this while advocating a real alternative for a sustainable future.
Alexandra Boutri: Why is Trump so keen to use the military on home soil? In Portland, he has even authorized troops to make use of “full force.” Has he gone completely bonkers?
C. J. Polychroniou: I see several reasons behind the wannabe dictator’s yearning to use the military to implement his domestic policies and enforce his dystopian view of America. First, he is doing it as a form of intimidation, which is of course an old fascist tactic. It is really his way of letting everyone know that there is a new sheriff in town who doesn’t tolerate dissent and refuses to accept challenges to the way he thinks the country ought to be run. After all, you should know that the “beloved leader” knows best how to run a country after having studied extensively the works of Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, and so on and so forth. Read more
By Attacking Anti-Fascism, Trump Defends Fascism As A Good Thing
C.J. Polychroniou
09-27-2025 ~ While there was little doubt before as to where Trump stood on democracy and human decency, he has made it clear with his decision to designate Antifa a “terrorist” organization that he and his coterie are clearly on the side of fascism.
Trump’s executive order designating Antifa a “domestic terrorist organization” has spurred widespread interest in the anti-fascist movement. Of course, it is well understood that Antifa is not a single organization but an umbrella term for loosely affiliated groups of activists scattered across the United States and parts of Europe that confront and combat fascism and racism. Antifa, however, is more of an idea than an actual organization, so Trump’s order calling on US authorities to act against “any person claiming to act on behalf of Antifa, or for which Antifa or any person claiming to act on behalf of Antifa provided material support” isn’t simply idiotic and unconstitutional but says a great deal about where the “beloved leader” stands on free speech and fascism itself.
Simply put, by vilifying anti-fascist struggles, Trump is defending fascism as a good thing. So is his “comrade-in-arms” Viktor Orbán who has also proposed taking similar action in Hungary while his Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Péter Szijjártó has gone even further by urging the European Union to follow Donald Trump’s lead and designate Antifa a terrorist organization.
In the age of right-wing authoritarianism and proto-fascist strongmen, it is understandable that Trump and Orban wish to ban anti-fascist struggles. Relying on repression to consolidate power is an obligatory measure for all authoritarian regimes. Netanyahu might be the next unhinged leader to take action against Antifa. Anti-fascists in Israel have long been the target of far-right Israeli extremists; moreover, there have been voices inside the country saying that “only an anti-fascist front” can stop Israel’s slide toward fascism. That’s dangerous talk in the current political climate in Israel.
Donald Trump, Viktor Orbán, and Benjamin Netanyahu are central figures in the global far-right movement. Indeed, the holy trinity of neofascism is represented today by Israel, Hungary, and the United States. Far-right movements and parties are on the rise worldwide, and they are expanding beyond national borders, “engaging in cross-border networking to export their ideologies worldwide,” according to Thomas Greven from Freie Universität Berlin. What unites them are anti-immigrant politics, anti-leftism, traditional family values, Islamophobia, anti-LGBTQ, and rejection of the ideals and values of Western European Enlightenment.
Far-right movements and neofascist parties believe that cultural hegemony is as important as political influence. Hence the attack on “woke” culture, gender ideology, and secularism. Of course, the far right is not a monolith, but there are lots of overlaps among the far-right’s varied movements. However, in the pursuit of creating an ultranationalistic state and building a homogeneous society, crushing the forces of the left becomes nothing short of an urgent political necessity for far-right movements and neofascist parties because of their awareness that especially the so-called “radical left” represents the only real political resistance to their dystopian vision.
Whether there are parallels between the state of liberal democracies today and that of the 1930s is tricky business. Nonetheless, today’s left could learn vital lessons by studying the antifascist struggles of the 1930s and 1940s. For the main task today is, again, defeating the forces of reaction, most powerfully represented by an idiotic bully and wannabe dictator in Washington, DC, an autocrat in Budapest, and the “butcher of Gaza” in Jerusalem. Read more
Reviving The Serengeti: How Maasai Women’s Dairy Initiatives Protect Wildlife And Communities
09-26-2025 ~ Facing habitat loss, climate change, and shifting livelihoods, Maasai women are leading a transformative program that links sustainable dairy farming with the preservation of the Serengeti’s iconic migrations and the resilience of local communities.
The Serengeti—whose name means “endless plains” in the Maasai language—is one of the most renowned natural landscapes in the world. Spanning northern Tanzania and extending into southwestern Kenya, this vast ecosystem is home to the largest land animal migration on Earth. Every year, a million or more wildebeest, zebras, and gazelles undertake an epic journey across these grasslands, following the seasonal rains in search of fresh pasture and water. This migration supports a diverse food web that includes predators such as lions, cheetahs, and hyenas, making the Serengeti a critical hotspot of biodiversity. UNESCO recognizes the Serengeti as one of the planet’s most impressive natural wonders, celebrating its rich ecological complexity and the spectacle of the migration.
Yet the Serengeti’s “endless plains” are no longer endless. Over the past several decades, human activities have profoundly altered the landscape. Scientific research spanning 40 years and involving teams from seven countries reveals significant habitat fragmentation due to human development and expansion. This fragmentation has disrupted migration corridors and limited the free movement of wildlife across the ecosystem.
“The activities of people have caused extreme changes to the habitat,” writes Joseph Ogutu, a statistician at the University of Hohenheim, in the Conversation. “It has significantly reduced the amount of grass and, because of farms, settlements, and fences, the landscape has become fragmented. This means animals can’t move freely to find resources or mate.” In Kenya’s Maasai Mara Reserve—the northern section of this ecosystem—wildlife populations have dropped by almost 70 percent since the late 20th century. Wildebeest migration routes to the Mara have diminished by over 70 percent, underscoring the severity of the ecological changes.
The pressures driving these changes are multifaceted and intertwined. The human population surrounding the Serengeti is growing rapidly, and Tanzania is among the countries with the highest population growth rates globally. This demographic expansion places tremendous demand on land and natural resources. Agricultural development and livestock grazing expand to meet the needs of this growing population, converting wildlands into farms and grazing plots. These land use changes, coupled with fences and settlements, disrupt traditional animal movements and reduce the availability of quality forage.
Climate change compounds these challenges. Rainfall patterns are becoming more erratic, with more prolonged and more intense droughts alternating with severe flooding events. These extremes threaten both wildlife and human livelihoods. Water sources are drying up more frequently, forcing pastoralists and wildlife alike to travel further for access to water and food. The result is increased competition and tension between people, livestock, and wildlife, as well as mounting risks to soil health and ecosystem function. Read more
How Data-Driven Storytelling Helps Good Causes Get Funded
Ills.: de.wiki.org
09-25-2025 ~ Nonprofits play a crucial role in holding communities together, and combining powerful stories with real data is essential to securing the support they need to continue making a difference.
Chances are you’ve benefited from a nonprofit—whether by listening to public radio, adopting a pet from a shelter, attending a community arts event, or witnessing their support through local food pantries. Nonprofits are part of the invisible infrastructure that keeps communities running, meeting needs that businesses might ignore or governments don’t fully address. From youth mentorship to environmental action and crisis response, nonprofits fill vital gaps in our communities.
In a system that prioritizes profitability and scale, nonprofits are expected to address significant social issues while operating on limited budgets. They are tasked with carrying out their mission while also meeting the requirements of the people and institutions they depend on for funding.
To secure support from donors, foundations, or institutions, nonprofits are expected to do more than just describe what they do; they must demonstrate why it matters. It’s like a job interview: A personal story may spark interest, but without a track record of results, the opportunity slips away. The same is true for nonprofits—stories draw people in, but proof of success is what builds trust.
In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global economic downturn, securing funding has become increasingly challenging for nonprofits. As a result, standing out to potential donors and funders is key to ensuring financial resilience and avoiding insolvency. One way to achieve this is through data-driven storytelling. Stories are a historically effective way of conveying information, and data inspires trust. When skillfully combined, these two approaches can help nonprofits to position themselves as uniquely equipped to meet the needs of their target populations, thereby increasing their chances of securing support from a given funder.
On a most basic level, stories organize information in a way that is compelling and logical. It’s why every organization’s website, nonprofit or otherwise, has a landing page with a distinct and persuasive “About” section. It is also why, even if not explicitly requested, no one expects a rote proposal or grant application that lists an organization’s needs without contextualizing them or demonstrating impact to stand out to funders. While this knowledge is generally universally understood, some apply it more successfully than others.
Take, for example, Craig and Marc Kielburger’s Free The Children, rebranded as WE Charity in 2016. The organization gained unprecedented momentum in its early years, propelled by the inspiring story of its cofounder: 12-year-old Craig Keilburger, who, while searching a newspaper for the comics section, came across an article about 12-year-old Iqbal Masih—a child debt slave who had escaped brutal conditions in a Pakistani carpet factory at age 10 only to be murdered two years later. Deeply affected by the realization that children around the world endured such injustices, Kielburger resolved to carry on Masih’s fight against child labor. He recruited 11 classmates, and together, alongside Craig’s brother Marc, they formed Free the Children out of the Keilburger family home.
In 1995, the group sent a petition with 3,000 signatures—demanding the release of child rights crusader Kailash Satyarthi—to the prime minister of India, packaged in a shoebox. The story quickly attracted headlines, leading Free the Children to be featured everywhere from “60 Minutes” to “The Oprah Winfrey Show,” and garnering worldwide attention and support, including financial backing. Read more
This Ridiculous, Dangerous Antifa Order Is McCarthyism All Over Again—Possibly Worse
C.J. Polychroniou
09-24-2025 ~ The Trump administration is abusing federal power to silence dissenting voices in a manner that has not been seen in over 70 years. The country survived Sen. Joseph McCarthy, but will it survive what Trump has wrought?
Free speech stole the show last week during the joint press conference between US President Donald Trump and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer after a British reporter asked point-blank the Yankee wannabe dictator whether free speech is more under attack in Britain or in America, following Jimmy Kimmel’s suspension over Charlie Kirk comments.
At this historical juncture, both Britain and America are at a new low when it comes to freedom of expression. In fact, free speech is under serious attack in most Western societies.
Britain has no equivalent to the First Amendment, but the current draconian speech laws are so outrageous that even traditional liberties are vanishing. British police are arresting people for offensive online speech at record numbers while the right to protest has been severely curtailed.
In Germany, the situation is just as bad, if not worse. Long before recent efforts to stifle pro-Palestinian voices, the country’s laws on freedom of expression stood on tenuous grounds. As the late German jurist Weinfried Brugger noted nearly a quarter of a century ago in a study comparing German and American law on hate speech, if a protester was to shout on the steps of the US Capitol “our President is a pig” and even held painted pictures of the president as a pig “engaged in sexual conduct with another pig in a judge’s robe;” or that “all our soldiers are murders;” or that “the Holocaust never happened,” none of these allegations would lead to criminal prosecution as the First Amendment would protect them. However, criminal law would apply to all of the above messages if the protester made the speech on the steps of the German Bundestag. As further elucidated by Brugger, freedom of speech in Germany is not a “preferred right” and does not deserve “absolute protection.”
In this sense, conservatives in the US, like Vice President JD Vance, are not totally wrong when they criticize Europe over free speech, even though they are complete hypocrites. Indeed, the problem with Vance and the rest of the MAGA Republicans who are seemingly disturbed by the backsliding of free expression in Europe is that they are not interested in free speech as such; they are interested in controlling it. They only want to protect speech that is aligned with their own ideological beliefs and values. Thus, in his speech to the Munich Security Conference in February, where he scolded Europeans for their failings on free speech, Vance not only spread a lie when he claimed that the Scottish government had sent letters to citizens instructing them that “even private prayer within their own homes may amount to breaking the law” but kept silent about UK government anti-protest legislation, which, as British academic Eric Heinze astutely noted, targets exactly the kind or protests that Trump fears.
Trump returned to the White House with a promise to protect free speech from government censorship. Indeed, just a few hours after his second inauguration, Trump signed Executive Order 14149, titled “Restoring Freedom of Speech and Ending Federal Censorship.” But Trump is a master of doublespeak. His administration has, in turn, carried out a wide-ranging crackdown on universities, student protesters, journalists, lawyers, and the press. The wannabe dictator has accused the press on multiple occasions of being “the enemy of the American people” and has filed personal lawsuits against several news organizations. Under his administration, we are also witnessing the intrusion of the military into civilian life. This type of government action is tantamount to dictatorship, as it constitutes an all-out assault on democracy and the rule of law.
The Trump administration is abusing federal power to silence dissenting voices in a manner that has not been seen since the McCarthy era. Democrats and Republicans alike played the Red Card back in the 1940s and throughout the 1950s in order to silence critics and quash dissent. Trump is doing the same thing by trying to create a climate of fear and suspicion across the country with the boogeyman of the so-called “far left,” especially in the aftermath of Charlie Kirk’s killing. Read more
When Did Societal Elites Emerge?
John P. Ruehl – Independent Media Institute
09-23-2025 ~ The late Stone Age is not commonly associated with socially stratified societies, yet archaeologist Mehmet Özdoğan argues social and political elites were already shaping communities when humans began farming.
Despite the diversity of government and social structures, every country today faces social and political tensions tied to concentrated and unaccountable power in the hands of national elites. The modern sociological concept of elites emerged in the early 20th century, introduced by Vilfredo Pareto, who argued that every society produces a minority that steers decision-making. Other sociologists further refined the idea of elite theory, noting its regularity in organizations, corporations, and institutions.
Robert Michels’s “iron law of oligarchy” argued that even mass socialist organizations in the 20th century inevitably became elitist as power centralized. This can also be seen in modern populist movements, where leaders attack established elites while consolidating and masking their own elite status.
The word ‘elite’ comes from the French élite, meaning “the chosen,” which in turn comes from the Latin eligere, meaning “to choose.” It has a number of different connotations, but each implies a group of people considered superior to others in a particular society. While the modern sociological concept of elites has evolved over the last century, how far back does the presence of an entrenched elite go, and what are the conditions that generate them?
Archaeologist Mehmet Özdoğan has argued that the historical record of elites dates back to some of the earliest farming communities in the Upper Euphrates and Upper Tigris basins between 10,500 and 7300 BC. The Neolithic era would therefore mark not only the dawn of agriculture but also the rise of elites in human society. Understanding how these elite communities formed and sustained themselves provides context for the economic and cultural systems governing us today.
Creating Inequality
Early 20th-century archaeologist Vere Gordon Childe identified plant cultivation and animal domestication as key drivers of the Neolithic Revolution, which resulted in nomadic groups settling in villages. Mobile hunter-gatherers carried few possessions, but permanent settlement allowed accumulation. Agriculture produced storable surpluses that could be lent, redistributed, and used to consolidate power and increase dependence, while ox-drawn plows and other technologies further increased output, freeing some people from subsistence work and creating a labor class and an upper class to manage them.
But throughout the 20th century, growing evidence suggested that people often settled first and only later developed agriculture, with the transition occurring slowly and unevenly over thousands of years.
Similarly, elites did not form overnight. Comparatively egalitarian, sedentary communities such as Çatalhöyük, not far from the Upper Euphrates and Tigris, thrived between 7400 BC and 5600 BC without entrenched hierarchies. “In this city, which was founded by our ancestors 9,000 years ago, the houses were built back-to-back, with no streets in between. … It is generally believed that this unique layout at Çatalhöyük reflects the ideal of equality between people in the Neolithic period. There is no design that indicates a hierarchy in the structures,” points out the Turkish Museums website.
Earlier hints of inequality had meanwhile appeared among the Natufians in the southern Levant, with their elaborate burials, and in Göbekli Tepe with its monumental sites and division of labor, but without concrete evidence of long-term elite entrenchment.
According to Mehmet Özdoğan, systemic elitism began to take root in the Upper Euphrates and Tigris region around 10,500 BC onward. Archaeological evidence from the period has revealed larger houses for certain families, as well as more elaborate burials, access to prestige goods, and the use of resources like lime to make terrazzo floors. Elements resembling land ownership and segregated housing were similarly documented.
According to a chapter written by Özdoğan in the book Human Societies Facing Climate Change, Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites in the Upper Euphrates-Upper Tigris region reveal “vast amounts of objects that are too elaborate to be of an unpretentious community, presenting great variety, high levels of craftsmanship and the artistic touch of exceptional refinement. … it seems more than evident that there must have been an elite competitiveness leading to careful selection not only of skilled craftsmen but also those of artistic talents.”
Through these status objects, elite preferences began to shape cultural norms and tastes, a pattern that later sociologists would find among other upper-status groups. By promoting collective beliefs in the importance of certain styles, skills, or objects, elites reinforced their exclusive position and defined what society considered valuable.
Beyond material wealth, inequality in early societies appears reinforced by religion and ritual. Even among nomadic or sedentary egalitarian groups, shared ceremonial practices existed, but were generally not monopolized by a ruling class. In the Upper Euphrates and Tigris regions, however, Özdoğan notes, “there is growing evidence for dominant governance by spiritual leaders.” By controlling ritual and ideology, these elites positioned themselves as intermediaries with the spiritual world, granting them authority over ceremonies, sacred spaces, and symbols. Feasts, harvest celebrations, and burial rites became tools to legitimize power through divine sanction.
Creating spiritual and cultural hierarchies legitimized elite status, with modern sociological theory expanding on this. Max Weber distinguished class based on resources, power based on rule, and status based on recognition, noting that status could not be seized and was based on others’ recognition, helping solidify elite positions even in egalitarian societies. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu also notes how celebrated tastes, skills, and knowledge reinforce elite authority.
Where Social Elites Came From
In the Upper Euphrates and Tigris regions, the earliest elites were not kings or bureaucrats, but those who controlled resources, cultural tastes, and rituals. Wealth and goods gave them leverage, but legitimacy also came from cultural hierarchies. In these early societies, culturally sanctioned preferences and religious rituals anchored elite power through social legitimacy, complementing their material wealth.
Some communities resisted early hierarchies by splitting off to form new settlements free of old hierarchies, but over time, new elite structures were created and spread elsewhere. Anthropologist Cathy Costin points to craft specialization in Iraq at Bestansur between 7600 BC and 7100 BC, likely serving elites. A painted fragment found in Teleilat Ghassul in modern-day Jordan, dated roughly 4500 BC, shows two pairs of feet on footstools, one elaborately sandaled, while other figures appear to be standing. “The fragmentary scene is of considerable significance… archaeologically, as it provides evidence of social ranking,” according to the journal Arts, and may have portrayed “worshippers paying homage to a divine couple or a priest and priestess in a cultic ritual.” Similar finds in En Gedi, Nahal Mishmar, and Ghassul indicate priesthoods or ritual specialists consolidating authority.
Elaborate burials and ornaments in Thailand, dating back to 3600 BC, meanwhile, show comparable social hierarchies. Simultaneously in Europe, increased weapon production suggests elites were consolidating power and protecting accumulated wealth as their governance systems spread across the continent.
As resources depleted and groups expanded, conflict and conquest spread elite systems further, often bringing a new underclass with them. This template became the foundation for the first civilization in Sumer, emerging around 4000 to 3500 BC, where, importantly, theocracy provided structure to society and supported elite dominance.
Gaetano Mosca later called these legitimizing narratives “political formulas,” such as the “Great Chain of Being” in medieval Europe, which solidified royal power. In aristocratic societies, hierarchy was assumed, but in democratic ones, elites constantly reaffirm it through education, culture, or science. By the 19th and 20th centuries, tools like IQ tests reinforced perceived hierarchies of intelligence, entrenching academic elites and social classes in the U.S.
Today, elites still rely on organization and affirmation to maintain power, often facing less coordinated opposition from non-elites. This organization can produce innovation for the public good, particularly when elite groups compete with one another rather than simply extracting rents from society. History also shows that popular pressure—from Roman plebeian walkouts to modern mass strikes—can force elites to concede influence even if their structures endure. Circulation of elites, or awareness that rulers can be replaced, has also long served as a check on domination.
Interestingly, the same lands that first saw elite systems also hosted early republic-like institutions. In Sumer and nearby city-states, assemblies of elders or citizens shared authority with rulers, who were also kept in check by civic bodies. Egyptian records from the mid-14th century describe Phoenician cities sending delegates to represent citizens instead of monarchs, and calls for alliances and requests for aid by the “men of Arwad” and “elders of Irqata.”
Resistance to elite domination, therefore, has ancient roots, with republican and collective governance emerging alongside hierarchical rule. When reform or turnover fails, dictators or populist movements, which can quickly become elitist themselves, pose new challenges for non-elites. Combined with modern corporate elitism, understanding how political and social elites maintain and legitimize their power is an important lesson in finding ways to encourage elites to act in the broader public interest, rather than merely entrenching their own position.
By John P. Ruehl
Author Bio: John P. Ruehl is an Australian-American journalist living in Washington, D.C., and a world affairs correspondent for the Independent Media Institute. He is a contributor to several foreign affairs publications, and his book, Budget Superpower: How Russia Challenges the West With an Economy Smaller Than Texas’, was published in December 2022.
Credit Line:This article was produced by Human Bridges.