In the previous chapters, what was actually happening during lessons became dimly visible here and there. In this chapter this will be examined more closely. Learning in a class situation can be approached in many different ways. I assume in any case that a combination of various points of view is needed to achieve a picture of ‘reality’. What was taught? This can be deduced from the content of curricula tested by the commentary in inspection reports. It can also be partially deduced from the subject matter in the textbooks used. How was this taught? This is actually a question of the pedagogical principles the missionaries adhered to: did they talk about this? Did these principles even exist?

What was in the curriculum?
The curricula for subsidised missionary education have already been discussed in chapter two. By and large the period in question can be divided as follows, using the applicable curriculum guides: the period from 1929 to 1949, under the first curriculum (the Brochure Jaune), from 1949 to just after half-way through the 1950s, under the second (and third) curriculum and the second half of the 1950s, in which métropolisation was imposed (and, in principle, the Belgian syllabus should have been implemented). Apart from the fact that the transition between the different periods, especially between the second and third, is not very strictly defined, the first curriculum was noticeably enforced for the majority of the colonial period (taking the previously discussed proposal of 1938 into account). It did not seem worthwhile to analyse the changes in lesson content between the curricula of 1929 and 1948 in detail. After all it is almost certain that there is no general and direct concordance between what was required in the curriculum guides and what was actually taught. The curriculum guides only gave minimal norms, general guidelines and guiding principles. Obviously, it did not include the detailed contents of lessons. The third and final reason was that the curriculum was fragmented in the guide of 1948 through the introduction of the distinction between the normal and ‘selected’ second grade. This made an orderly comparison more difficult. The evolution of the two curricula in the area of subject content will only be touched upon very briefly.

However, it did seem worthwhile to make a summary comparison of colonial and Belgian curricula, especially to try to counter a certain representation. Otherwise it might be assumed too easily that the education in Belgian Congo was no more than a kind of occupational therapy. The researcher and the reader are faced here with a very subtle balancing exercise. On the one hand, the intention is to discover the reality, or at least to try: the ‘how’ and ‘what’ of school reality in the past. On the other hand, it is necessary to articulate what almost everyone will be thinking automatically when reading a story of the period: namely that ‘it wasn’t the way it is now’ and that the attitudes of a number of protagonists, namely the missionaries, were fairly ‘old-fashioned’, even ‘primitive’ or ‘backward’.

Of course such an opinion seems suspiciously similar to remarks made by the missionaries themselves about the Congolese (which partly causes them) but this does not mean they should not be mentioned. Nor should they necessarily be attacked with moral judgements but, on the other hand, they should be interpreted. In the first instance it is of course only human to distance oneself in one way or another from events that happened in other places at other times. We must, of course, avoid falling into an a-historical position but the reaction itself is not an historical aberration, in the sense of ‘very wrong at the time’. After all, in the same way the ideas of the missionaries are not to be considered as thoughts that ‘should not really have been thought’ and should have given rise to moral indignation. The foundations of the stance assumed in the colonial context are, after all, to be found in structures, positions and reactions in the home context of the colonisers. This can also be shown clearly in the context of the curricula.

The foundation for the colonial school curriculum must, after all, have come from somewhere. Intuitively, but also considering what was said before, it must be clear that no curriculum was designed ex nihilo and it was certainly not based on African precedents. The seeds were brought from Belgium. A first, even diagonal reading of the Brochure Jaune of 1929 makes this very clear. Considering that the preparation for that curriculum had already started in the first half of the 1920s, it is interesting to make the comparison with the Belgian curriculum guide for primary schools dating from 1922. With this we can also refer to the societal context in which the Belgian curriculum of 1922 was situated. As Depaepe et alii have already remarked, moral and civil education were perceived by the authors of this curriculum guide as the core tasks of a primary school. The quote referred to in this context is particularly relevant and recognisable from the colonial educational situation: “Primary school finds in itself its raison d’être; it is not created with the studies the pupils will do after that or the professions they could take up in mind; its aim is the same for all children entrusted to it: to prepare them as completely as possible for their destinies as man and citizen.”[i]

The colonial translation of this was even more straightforward and stripped of the enlightened ideals that were included in the Belgian version. The remark cited above, made in the curriculum guide for the second grade, made this clear: “Despite the selection which had been used during admission, not all pupils will go to special schools; thus they need to receive a training which is autodidactic and which educates men that are useful for their native environments.” Or, as it would later be worded, in the curriculum of 1948, as one of the three essential goals of primary education: “Provide an education which prepares all natives to live according to their proper genius, either in the ancestral environment or outside this environment.“[ii]

1.1. The Brochure Jaune and the 1922 curriculum guide
Primary school in the Congo comprised of five school years (2+3). A number of subjects were taught from the first to the fifth year. In the first place these were the basic subjects of religious education, reading, native language, arithmetic and geometric systems. Furthermore, hygiene, singing, drawing and gymnastics were taught in every year. For girls’ school, five years of sewing was added to this. French was optional in the first year. And finally there were three rather specific descriptions in the Brochure: the intuition lessons, general causeries/conversations and manual work. Geography was only taught in the second year. The course on theoretical agriculture only started in the third year. Finally, the curriculum of the second grade also prescribed handwriting or calligraphy and in the last year of the second grade girls received a course on childcare.

The explanation of the content of these courses varied in length and detail. The Brochure Jaune contained only the briefest information on religious education as this was left entirely to the religious authorities. But other subjects were also dealt with very summarily, like handicrafts for example. Often a kind of minimum curriculum was stipulated with this for the first year, which was systematically referred to for the following years, with the remark that the curriculum needed further elaboration. Whether or not this caused, in theory at any rate, the basic curriculum to differ fundamentally from that of the Belgian primary school is the question. For example, the Belgian curriculum guide of 1922 also referred to the religious authorities for the concrete elaboration of religion and morality lessons. Language education, on the other hand, was described much more extensively and with more detail and surrounded with conditions. Rather than making a long and elaborate comparison of the two complete curricula, it is perhaps more worthwhile to highlight a few parts: first a main subject, mathematics and then a ‘subsidiary subject’, geography.

1.1.1. Main subjects
There are quite a number of parallels between the Belgian and the Congolese mathematics curricula of 1922 and 1929, respectively. In the Belgian curriculum, the pupils started by learning numbers from one to twenty. In the Belgian Congo, they only did this in the second year but the way in which the material was developed subsequently was similar. Similar systems were also used for teaching units of measurement. The basic principle here, as with mathematics, was apparently that the Congolese needed the first year to get used to the subject matter and would subsequently be able to assimilate more material at the same pace, year after year. Of course this meant that in the Congo education was stopped at the level reached in the fourth year in Belgium. As an illustration, a brief comparison is included of the subject matter as found in the Brochure Jaune and in the Belgian curriculum guide of 1922. It is clear that the Congolese mathematics curriculum was less extensive than the Western one, understanding that the limitation was largely due to a shorter period of primary education in general.

Is mathematics a measure for the other subjects? It seems logical to assert that mathematics has a somewhat more objective basis for comparison than other subjects. With this I mean that as far as mathematics is concerned there was not likely to be any pupil’s foreknowledge that differed from what was to be taught (which was the case for a language course, for example), though it must be noted that education experts in the 1950s had objections to this. For example, it was remarked in 1955 in the Revue Pédagogique Congolaise that young Congolese found it harder than the Belgians to grasp geometric forms.[iii] They grew up in a very different environment, after all, and in their early years they had only been confronted with flowing lines, while the straight lines of geometric figures were totally alien to them. This is in contrast to the Belgian child that grew up in an environment full of straight-lined figures and abstract concepts.[iv] “So, the European child is introduced at all times to the mathematical and geometric universe of the West. He hears people talking about numbers, hours, minutes, right and left. About countless objects with various shapes which have a set place in him.” According to the authors, the result of these things (including other areas and subjects) was a discontinuity between the natural first experiences and the subject matter taught at school.

The solution, however, lay in the systematic implementation of the Western education system through the further development of nursery education. On the opposite side we have the testimonial of Vertenten, who was already writing about the mathematical ability of his students in 1928: “If they come to the higher course they need to be good at mathematics and writing and for mathematics they need to know the four main operations well with whole numbers. That is the basis. From that I have, in a fairly short time, been able to teach them the following:

Can the same mechanisms be found in the other subjects? The other main subject, native language, is harder to study in a comparative perspective. The Congolese curriculum guide itself stipulated explicitly that the education should not be too literary, especially not in rural schools (the first grade of the curriculum). One result of this was that the curriculum stayed on the sober side on this point. After a somewhat more extensive explanation for the first year, in the division lecture the text was largely limited to the designation “lecture courante“, from the fourth year “lecture expressive“. Handwriting was only taught in the second grade, as mentioned above. A comparison with the Belgian curriculum guide is impossible here because the native language took a very central role and was the most extensively covered of all subjects. It was divided in various subdivisions like grammar, composition, pronunciation, etc.

1.1.2. Other subjects  
However, the cited mechanisms did apply to other (subsidiary) subjects. Geography was only taught in the second grade according to the Brochure Jaune, whereas in Belgium it was provided for in the curriculum guide from the first year onwards. In the first grade however, it only consisted of an initiation into geographic observation. This comprised very simple lessons about the most important geographical information, taught very concretely and without definitions. The curriculum guide further stipulated that this material would, in the first year, be part of the exercises in rhetoric during the native language lessons (about which no further details can be found in the paragraphs concerned). Of course, in the Congolese curriculum nothing was mentioned about this because geography was not taught in the first grade.

In the causeries, for example, in the second year the accidents géographiques de la region had to be discussed as well as natural phenomena like night and day, wind, rain, thunder and lightning. In practice it also happened that geographical concepts were discussed in the reading lessons.[vi] The subject matter for the second year was more parallel in the curriculum. As in the Congo, the emphasis in Belgium was also placed on simple concepts, starting from the pupil’s concrete living environment. One would leave the classroom and go and explore the world outside in increasingly larger ‘circles’: the school, the village, the town, the region, etc. As appears from the example reproduced here (figure 1), this was also put into practice by the MSC. The world opened up for the boys through their own classroom, the school building, the football field and… the church.

The worldview that the young Congolese retained from their geography lessons finally did remain more limited than that of their Belgian counterparts. While in Belgium the borders were crossed to neighbouring countries in the second year, for the Congolese the world outside the Congo was limited to Belgium.[vii] Of course this was not to be considered a foreign country. Some parallels between both curricula can be taken fairly literally. In the fourth year in the Congo, for example “A few big trips on the sphere” were studied. This was also to be found literally in the Belgian curriculum guide for the second year. However, there it was specified which voyages of discovery were meant exactly, something for which there was no place in the Congolese curriculum. ‘Belgium’ was covered but only in the second year. The history of the occupation of Congo was on the curriculum in the fourth year. Further geographical concepts concerning the ‘motherland’ were only covered in the last year but it was a very selective approach: “Situation, some cities, rivers, railways (length), some information about the richness and the activities of the Belgian population, the Belgian royal family.“[viii] In other subjects the issue of ‘Belgium’ was not covered a priori.

1.1.3. Causeries
The Congolese curriculum further contained the subject causeries. These were lessons during which the teacher had to tell educational or edifying stories. It was more or less an extension of what was called “Moral and citizen formation” in Belgium. However, the formulation of the content of the causeries in the 1929 brochure is revealing in itself and contains in itself a colonial curriculum. In the five years of primary school the following were to be covered in succession:

Attitude in the classroom, in church, in the street, in the village, relationship with fellow students, school rules, people, things and scenes from their own environment; first notions of politeness.

1. Politeness: respect towards civil and ecclesiastical authority; aiding elders or the weak; tenderness towards animals; geographic layout of the region and natural phenomena.
2. Role of Europeans in the country; habits and practices of the country; politeness.
3. Habits and practices of the country: superstition, bad influence of magicians; natural phenomena: lightning, hail, earthquakes, eclipses, the dangers of alcohol consumption, the use of hemp and other narcotic plants.
4. The most important stipulations from the decree on the chefferies;[ix] obligations of the population concerning censuses, taxes, militia; most important legal stipulations concerning firearms, hunting, alcohol, hemp and gambling.

In comparison: the Belgian curriculum guide of 1922 summed up in a number of points the various ‘obligations’ that the students had to be taught. In the first and second years this mainly related to individual and generally altruistic virtues, such as cleanliness, caution, order, regularity, moderation, dignity (individual) and respect, goodness, servitude, friendliness (altruistic). In the third and fourth years so-called “national” education was taught, as well as professional obligations: “The work considered in the company; the solidarity of workers. Requires conscientious work. The employment contract: obligations of employers and workers. Mutual support in the professions.” The principles and values touched upon in both curricula were thus not very different, often they even corresponded remarkably well. Yet there was a difference: in the case of the Congolese it seems as though fewer words have been wasted, the tone is slightly firmer and the content was more geared to the acceptance of authority. Finally, the inclusion of a number of issues like “superstition” and “hemp use” were certainly dictated by local circumstances.

1.2. The position of girls
Finally the explanation about moral and civil formation in the Belgian brochure of 1922 also contained a number of extra paragraphs with considerations about girls and women, under the heading “Observations“. The moral education in girls’ schools should be aimed at aspects of home and family life. This concerned the role of young women in their family and the relationship with other family members (parents-in-law); how to become a good housewife; the qualities of the young woman in the household: politeness, foresight, charm, simplicity, equanimity, goodness and devotion. And the most important fault to be avoided: nosiness! Further, marriage had to be considered, its preparation and, of course, the manner in which a woman should function in a marriage. Finally, children also had to be considered, as well as everything involved therewith.

There was not really a specific section devoted to girls’ education in the Brochure Jaune. Girls’ schools would only be treated separately from the first year onwards in the 1938 curriculum. The brochure did however devote some attention to the domestic science school and in that context female concerns or subject matter were of course specifically covered. In the 1929 curriculum, the domestic science school was still a rural economics school, which in itself is revealing as to the social position of woman in the eyes of the colonisers. This education would last three years. The only classes of general education during the time were French (optional) and Arithmetic and Metric systems, in which subject matter from primary school was mainly repeated and how to keep small household accounts was taught. The course Hygiene also consisted of material already covered, with additional classes in childcare. Besides this, agriculture, housekeeping and conversation were provided as subjects. The last two received considerably more attention than the other subjects in the brochure. Of course, a wide variety of practical activities and abilities were covered in housekeeping. In the Causeries the following topics were to be treated: “The role of the woman in the family; to insist on financial matters and the foresight she will have to show; thoroughly combating the blacks’ tendency to excessive eating and drinking when abundantly available, of having big parties in order to display their resources; to combat the customs, the harmful practice of religion, customs and practices to which, in general, women are more attached than men; to be responsible for caring for and educating children.”[x] To this it was only added that these lessons should be played out as much as possible in the field, on the farm, in the kitchen and in the workshop. The teaching method suggested in the curriculum was that the pupils would afterwards return to the classroom and, under guidance from the teacher, write down what they had just learned.

One conclusion is evident: women were clearly treated differently, both in Belgium and in the colony. In both cases they had to fulfil a specific role and needed preparing for it. In both cases they had to fulfil extensive domestic tasks. Apparently, their roles had to be described far better and more precisely than those of men. Typically this was worded with far less circumlocution in the colonial context. In Belgium, an extensive description was used to express that other things were expected from women, although there was no underlying image of equality. In the Brochure Jaune, on the other hand, it was asserted without too much ado that women were more ‘susceptible’ to certain deficiencies or faults. More generally it can be posited – whether concerning boys’ or girls’ schools – that from the outset the curriculum of the colonial primary school corresponded to the image of a small lapdog being dragged on a lead by its owner: it follows in the same direction but can never keep up, let alone catch up with its owner.

1.3. The 1948 curriculum
The reform implemented in the 1948 curriculum has already been discussed in the first chapter. One consequence of the increasing contribution of the administration in the organisation of the education was, among others, that organisation and subject content were discussed in separate brochures from then on. Despite this, subject content was left relatively undisturbed, even though twenty years had passed since the implementation of the previous curriculum. This was certainly the case for the first grade and the ordinary second grade. There were not really any new subjects. The curriculum guide did now include an “observation exercises ” section but this simply seems to have been a new name for what was previously called “intuition lessons”. The French lessons were described in more detail but it was emphasised that it should be “very simple teaching”.

In the ‘selected’ second grade, the subject content was further elaborated and other priorities were imposed. French lessons were given a prominent place, immediately after religion and the native language. Fairly detailed guidelines were given, more than for any other subject, while it remained a subject as any other in the normal second grade. The theoretical agriculture lessons underwent the opposite fate: they were completely central in the normal second grade and were abandoned in the selected second grade. A section on “manual work” was kept but formulated very concisely. The same trend extended into the second and third year. A “professional” subject, with a practical impact, existed for the normal second grade. The biggest difference, of course, was in the fact that the selected second grade was a year longer than the normal one. In the last year, as was the custom, a great deal was repeated but a large portion of new material was also added.

The curriculum in practice
How much of the curriculum was actually implemented in the classroom? There are two ways of finding out more about the content of the lessons. Both ways give a kind of ‘side-view’ and must for that reason be used in a complementary way. On the one hand there are the inspection reports, which have already been dealt with extensively. On the other hand there are the colonial schoolbooks. The colonial schoolbooks offer insight into the selection made by the teachers. The schoolbook, like the curricula, does not of course represent reality. They both mainly say how things should be. Even so, we can employ these types of sources here because the books are also the product of a specific context. Thus they can present parts of the atmosphere and intellectual reality. To that I wish to attach the educational convictions of the missionaries, inasmuch as they existed and were expressed.

2.1. Inspections
In the earliest inspection reports only scarce information is to be found on the subject matter. Of course, this is linked to the absence of binding rules concerning subject matter, curriculum and inspection. The earliest official documents I found date from 1927. In addition, there cannot have been any inspections much earlier because the missionaries were only there from 1925. The first curriculum proposal also dates from then. But reports from before the implementation of the curriculum of 1929 do exist. In a report from 1927 about the girls’ school in Coquilhatville, it was pointed out that the school was only in its first year. The girls had never previously received any school education. The Sister herself remarked rather optimistically: “Over the 1 year the school has been open, we have already noted real progress.” What exactly was happening at this time was not so important but it is certain that sewing was done and the garden was worked in. Besides this no real intellectual activity can be detected. It was reported that the children had not yet been able to sit exams and further that “In order to obtain discipline we first applied exercises of order and discipline, while marching to rhythmic songs.”[xi] The Daughters of Charity insisted on discipline. They considered that the morality of their girls had deteriorated under the influence of their environment and they attached by far the greatest importance to discipline and zest for work. The following school year they also reported, after listing all the problems, that: “Meanwhile, despite the problems, we noted great progress amongst the children as far as discipline is concerned as well as work.“[xii] Oddly enough the report does refer to an official curriculum that was supposedly being followed. Jardon, the travelling inspector, also frequently referred to an official curriculum.

In the reports about the mission activity in this period, it is clear that the education was not yet bound to a structured curriculum. On Sunday afternoon, the Sisters ‘welcomed’ all the children: “We welcomed all the children, both the young and older ones, that came to us. We used our time for different exercises: prayers, songs, games.” A few years later this already produced some results because the report of 1930 informs us that a choir had developed from the Sunday meetings and that learning new songs was much easier, since most of the children could now read. As well as the actual school activity, which was only discussed very briefly, a ”tailoring school” was also referred to. This meant that four out of five days, the pupils were occupied with sewing for two hours. They covered needlework, crocheting, knitting and making clothes. The clothes they made themselves were given back to them at the prize draw. The children at the nursery school made plaits with raffia.[xiii]

In the report about the schools at the various mission posts which Vertenten provided for the state inspector in 1929, he only deals with a number of subjects briefly. Mostly he mentioned handiwork, sewing, mathematics and religion. Nothing was said about the content of these subjects; indeed, there was not enough space on the pre-printed forms for this.[xiv] In a report about the second grade of the boys’ school in Bamanya, from 1929 or 1930, he referred to the Brochure Jaune for the first time. The lessons had been ‘inspired’ by the curriculum brochure. It appears that here the official instructions were not experienced as particularly obligatory either. It is not too clear what guidelines were used exactly. Probably they were from the organisational project of 1925, even though this was not an official, legally binding text. The project fitted into the framework of agreements made between the mission congregations and the government from 1925-1926. Via this detour, the text was probably seen to be a legal guideline anyway.

Hulstaert also referred to a curriculum in September 1928. He said that the primary school in Flandria had organised three school years. In the first year, reading and writing were taught. In the two following years mainly mathematics was taught, at various levels. The implementation of the provided curriculum had not worked yet. This would only be possible step by step, according to Hulstaert. The provincial inspector, Jardon, also referred to “the curriculum” in two reports from June 1929. In Bokuma, this curriculum was followed meticulously for all subjects. In the report on Wafanya, Jardon gave slightly more information: “For religious education, reading, writing and the local language, the students have the right level. As far as arithmetic is concerned I notice a rather considerable progress but the fundamental notions are insufficiently known.“[xv] Moreover, the missionaries did not have enough control over the moniteurs and the main result of this was that the subsidiary subjects were neglected. Presumably, the curriculum of the Brochure Jaune was already being referred to here. The definitive text supposedly dates from 1928, though it was only published in 1929. However, the indications in the reports are not really decisive on this point.

In his inspection report of 1930 about the Sisters’ school in Coquilhatville, Vertenten concluded that it was not surprising that the pupils stayed below the level of the curriculum. The school, as is clear from the report, was only in the first stage (the first year) and had to struggle with the low level of the staff and the poor language ability of the Sisters, as well as the material problems mentioned earlier. Vertenten only referred explicitly to language, mathematics and religion and made a very brief reference to geography in the fourth year. The children were learning to read and write French, though this was not the intention. The mathematics lessons also took place in French. The Sisters who taught in the second grade had no command of the local language but even the moniteurs who taught in the first grade – under the supervision of the Sisters – taught mathematics in French. The situation was probably of such a nature that the inspector, who praised the Sisters extensively, was already happy that there was a school that functioned on a regular basis at all.[xvi] In the rural schools, in any case, there was also no mention of complete teaching activities. In the report to the education inspection in 1932 this was worded rather more optimistically: “One should not lose sight of the fact that in numerous villages Christian education existed where thousands of children received religious education and learned to read, write and do mathematics at the same time.“[xvii]

In a report about the girls’ school in Bamanya, Sister Auxilia gave a detailed overview of what exactly the curriculum represented at the school. At that time there were 96 girls. A moniteur taught the three first years, the two higher years were taught by a Sister. Sister Auxilia (who was headmistress of the school) gave a whole list of subjects in her report. For each, she indicated what material was taught in which year. It shows clearly where the emphasis lay:
Religious education was taught every day in every class, the Sister wrote: “1^st 2^nd 3^rd year, the minor catechism, 4^th and 5^th, the major catechism.” A division was made depending on the nature of the lessons: Father Jans explained, the moniteur taught “teaching and explanation” and Sister Auxilia herself taught baptism preparation classes and provided Holy Communion after morning mass. She referred to the catechism pictures as her teaching tool: “ Next year a new series of pictures (for each child separately) will be used. Catechism in pictures with the catechism of HG Cardinal Gasparri.” And finally: “In the 3rd, 4th and 5th years, children practice writing questions without mistakes.” There was also a separate subject “Biblical history”. Here pictures were also used but it was taught completely by moniteurs: “A great emphasis is placed on the lively but unaffected transmission of lessons. 4th and 5th also take notes on the classes, aided by questions.”

Writing took place according to the method of the Brothers of the Christian Schools. In order of class the following was on the curriculum: “1st: letters with small connections of consonants and vowels (pencil), 2nd: all letters and small words (calligraphy in ink), 3rd: capitals, 4th and 5th: capitals and exercises for fluent and regular writing.” Apparently there had been dissatisfaction with the results of these lessons in the past (from Hulstaert) and so the Sister pointed to the fact that special attention had been paid to this, with good results.

For reading, Hulstaert’s reading method was used. The Sister spoke of “the first and second book”, which refers to the Buku ea njekola I and II, the reading books published by Hulstaert in 1933. It is striking that every year was started with the first book. The higher the class, the further one got. In the fifth year the pupils worked through the first book and a part of the second, “as well as other literature“. Later, Alma Hosten also described a similar system.[xviii] However, also in the lower classes “the 1st and 2nd books by the English were used alternately. From the 3rd year onwards attention is paid to reading tone and the natural rendering of the subject matter in their own indigenous manner.” So English books from Protestant congregations were also used, which Vinck later confirmed.[xix]

The sister was quite brief concerning mathematics: “1^st and 2^nd year: according to the curriculum. 3^rd idem except for the decimal system. 4^th and 5th: all calculations up to and including 1000. 5^th went over 1000 but no particular value was attached to this.” (…) “A great emphasis is placed on sums of the metric system, particularly calculations with francs, of which especially also the way of writing was studied.”

In language education a distinction was made between various parts. It certainly related to Lomongo.
– grammar lessons: “typed courses by P. Hulstaert.” (…) “The higher classes are behind because we have only had the books 1.5 years – and because the material was so unfamiliar both to us and the moniteurs.”
– dictation: “for all classes in proportion to their knowledge.”
– style: “writing out by heart a song learned, with points of departure for discussing objects, customs, situations, etc.”
– “style and conversation lessons or general development classes converge here. Here the children are given the opportunity to explain their own songs, dances or games and so when it comes to learning plays, the children can express their opinion freely and frankly instead of slavishly accepting what we tell them when they don’t agree with us in their hearts.”

About gymnastics: “The same principles are used for gymnastics and dancing. The European way had to yield to the typically indigenous way. The rhythmic movements connected to Congolese conceptions and understandings are the material for beautiful expressive movements. The blacks find their own dances beautiful, really beautiful, but performed as one coherent whole and in order. In this way, with her own singing, her beloved ngomo, gymnastics keeps its appeal for the children and they still receive all the movements of head, hands, feet and torso. Next year we hope to stimulate the children to take part in games, such as rounders, handball, korfball – also for passing the time on Sunday afternoons.”

Then a few shorter statements follow. French was barely mentioned: “for the three highest classes, spoken French – very little or nothing is written.” About singing only this was noted: “melodies by Ghesquiere and Hullebroeck are taught.” Drawing was also only briefly mentioned: “The children made sketches, without the use of a ruler or compass.” The geography lessons were taught in the two highest classes and were limited to very general concepts: “General concepts, continents, oceans. The provinces of Congo and their capitals – further the physical division; the Congo river and its side rivers, the lakes, etc. From Tsjyapa, division with prominent places.”

The last item was sewing and this was also treated most elaborately. It was taught in all classes, two afternoons from three to five. Seen relatively, this was rather a lot but the attention devoted to it by the Sister in the report does seem out of proportion. While a total of three pages were devoted to all the other subjects, this subject took up about one whole page, in which a detailed description was given for every year and every object the pupils had sewed, crocheted and knitted.

So sewing was the dominant element on the curriculum. Oddly enough, not a word was said about agriculture in this report. From an inspection report of 1938, five years later, it appears that the same school devoted seven and a half hours a week to “practical agriculture lessons”, namely every day from seven until eight in the morning and one afternoon from three thirty until five in the afternoon. Other practical activities became more important depending on how the girls progressed with their studies. Sewing lessons were taught for two hours in the first year but in the last (fifth) year, it already occupied four and a half hours. “Homework” (housekeeping) went from half an hour to an hour and a half.

According to a document from 1939, the causeries in the first and second year had to cover the following issues: “Hunting and, in connection with this, the most notable animals and their way of life. Fishing and, in connection with this, the seasons. Swimming, the healthy but also the damaging things for the body. Dancing, the good and bad dances, pointing to the dangers of the latter, the stimulation of folk dances and games. The dead, mourning, the dance, the burial. Drinking, moderate drinking, drunkenness as a scandal, damages the health. Smoking and chewing tobacco, unfitting for girls, damaging to the health, bad for the teeth. Encouraging love for the monarchy through photos, stories, the flags of Belgium, Congo and the Papal flag, the benefit of becoming acquainted with the state in its various workings and institutions. Politeness in general, why we should be polite, politeness in church and at religious ceremonies, courtesy in oneself through order and neatness of dress, taking heed of one’s expressions wherever one goes, in all one’s doings, while eating, towards parents and elders, etc.”

Father Cobbaut, who inspected the school in 1946, only made a short report and only mentioned in it that, in all classes, all subjects were regularly taught and that they were all generally well known. So there is not too much information to be gained from this. At the domestic science school (which was on a higher level than the primary school) the curriculum was, at that moment, neatly divided into two: in the morning the pupils in groups of two or three carried out all possible sorts of housework in turn. The afternoon was reserved for theoretical instruction. Based on the timetable used in all schools, this of course meant that only a minimal amount of time was devoted to the theoretical education.[xx]

Sister Auxilia again in 1947: “The morning periods are devoted to housework like mending sheets, tights, socks, sewing and patching children’s, women’s and boys’ clothes, washing, ironing, starching, folding, native and European cuisine, domestic chores, further sewing, tooling tree bark, raffia. This year a new kind of embroidery with raffia was undertaken, namely filet in raffia, very beautiful, if the children become skilled at it. In the theory classes, apart from the revision of the ordinary school subjects and religious studies, the main subjects taught are: hygiene, agriculture and cattle breeding, home economics, childcare, etiquette classes and other development classes, French lessons and drawing paper patterns. 1 x a week the girls worked in their gardens with great diligence.” Further, every morning the land was worked (probably outside the framework of the lessons). The government inspection thought this was far too little. The inspector actually only had remarks concerned with the time spent on agricultural activity. At the primary school this was better than elsewhere, given that there at least the ordinary portion of morning labour was on the curriculum. Meanwhile, the pupils of the last year of the second grade worked in the kitchen, “and as a result they did not devote themselves to any rural work.” The domestic science school was a complete disaster: “Meanwhile at the rural economics school, the timetable is not well balanced and does not leave enough time for agricultural work“[xxi] Also in a report Hulstaert wrote in 1944, the smallest part of theoretical subjects appeared in the timetable of the domestic science school. According to him only two afternoons a week were filled with other than practical subjects. In this short time religion, mathematics, reading, writing and theoretical revision of the practical work were taught.[xxii]

Hulstaert also inspected the boys’ school in Bamanya in 1944. In the light of what will be said later about the conflicts between Hulstaert and the Brothers of the Christian Schools, who ran this school, it is not surprising that he added the necessary measure of criticism to this. The official curriculum was followed and not that of the Brochure Jaune. The extent of the difference in how the timetable was filled is clear from the reproduced summary given by Hulstaert in his report for the first grade. The timetable for the second grade was presented less clearly and could not be reconstructed completely. From the timetable of the first grade it is clear that the emphasis was on French, not on Lonkundo, which troubled Hulstaert a great deal, of course. The other subjects (hygiene, geography) were taught for a great part in French and so he wrote in the report: “The courses are almost entirely devoted to French and mathematics.” The Causeries also served primarily for practicing French.

There were a few other deviations from the normal curriculum, which Hulstaert had used systematically as his norm, even though the Brothers had in this case chosen to use a different curriculum. “It is noticeable here that from the first year the curriculum (with respect to mathematics, JB) of the state schools is used, not that of the Catholic schools (however that has not even been changed in the new plan of 1938 in the sense of the official programme). Whatever the reason may be for accepting the state curriculum, I believe that the curriculum is made to be followed and must not be changed on one’s own authority.” For example, no intuition classes were taught here, even though according to Hulstaert this was “one of the most important educational subjects on the curriculum“. This school also made time available for agricultural activity, but not very much: only an hour and a half or an hour and forty-five minutes a week. Sometimes midday “studies” were devoted to gathering small pieces of firewood or leaves. The pupils needed these to prepare their food. All in all this came down to a “considerable deviation from the subject and hour divisions proposed by the government brochures“.[xxiii]

The fact that the guidelines given in the curricula or by the government were not strictly applied is very clearly proved by information in an inspection report written by Gaston Moentjens from the school year 1952, about the primary school and teachers’ training college in Bamanya. The extensive report (twelve pages of text) was supplemented with a number of tables in which, for all years, the norm given by the government was compared to the timetables implemented by the missionaries (in Bamanya these were the Brothers). The impression given by these tables is not really surprising. In the first grade, religion was systematically taught more than recommended (4.5 to 5 hours instead of 3). Native language was divided into three subthemes: reading-writing, copying-dictation and recitations. Far less time than recommended was spent on the first two and far more on the third, just as the component elocution. Less time was also spent on mathematics than was actually requested, as was gymnastics. However, drawing, singing and certainly agriculture and traditional activities were taught far more extensively. So much the more remarkable because, in contrast to the prescribed number of hours, five and a half hours more were taught. This difference was almost entirely caused by religion, agriculture and sewing lessons. Especially in the first grade there were sometimes notable differences. In the normal and selected second grade, the prescribed timetable was followed much more closely. Only singing (much more) and mathematics (much less) retained times that were clearly deviating.[xxiv]

Both the missionary inspector Moentjens and the state inspector Eloye were at that time fairly critical towards the differences between the prescribed and applied time allotment. Moentjens pointed an accusing finger at the moniteurs: “The curricula imposed by the school regulations are, in general, quite well implemented. Moniteurs are well informed to follow the curriculum guide they are given but I don’t think that the moniteurs are able to resist their tendency to teach things outside the guide. In any event a more effective control is imposed.”[xxv] In his conclusions, though, he did move the responsibility more to the missionaries themselves: “Regarding didactic organisation I cannot recommend the headmaster enough to exercise his position as headmaster fully by organising practical and theoretical methods at schools better. This includes drafting good timetables, well defined distribution of subject matter from the different program guides and of all the prescriptions from the educational organisation.”

2.2. The subject matter in the schoolbooks
Of course the schoolbooks offer a second possibility to become acquainted in more detail with the subject matter the pupils could receive at school. Honoré Vinck has already done a comprehensive study of a number of the schoolbooks that were published and used by the MSC.[xxvi] In a series of studies he discussed aspects of form and content of primarily MSC reading books. From this it appears all the more that Hulstaert was very active and very influential in this area. Even so, this picture must be looked at with caution. Hulstaert had, as was often the case, his specialisation and his hobbyhorses.

In the first years after their arrival (in 1926) the MSC had to appeal to existing publications due to the absence of their own publications. Thus, they also asked the Brothers of the Christian Schools to bring as many of their own books as possible.[xxvii] A number of publications from the Trappists were also used. Sister Auxilia again, in 1933: “For arithmetic method the mathematics books of the Brothers of the Christian Schools are followed. These fulfil all the requirements of the curriculum. 1st and 2nd year worked through everything, in the 3rd year we allowed the 10-part fractions, while 4th and 5th year did all the basic operations. For reading method we used the books by the English until August, in September all classes adopted the reading method (3 parts) of Fr. Hulstaert, as well as the 4 parts of his grammar. 4th and 5th studied 1st part in the past months, 2nd and 3rd have also started but have not yet finished the first book.” Use was made of anything to hand, it could even be Protestant. The writing method of the Brothers of the Christian Schools was also applied, the Sister added in her report.

In due course, however, more and more of their books were written in the regional language. Vinck stated: “The range of books in Lomongo for linguistic and religious education is quasi complete. The whole curriculum of primary school and even secondary school has been covered in the local language, Lomongo. This library has been established within a few years, mainly by one man only and according to his rather pedagogic, linguistic and ideological choice in particular.” In the publications by Hulstaert himself and also later in the studies made about him, attention was paid primarily to books on language and reading lessons. For other subjects, for a long time different books were often used, whether or not they were translated into Lomongo: “The scientific books (often in a provisional state) would come some ten years later. It was a conscious and chosen strategy. Hulstaert has underlined it a lot in contemporary articles.“[xxviii] Vinck, however, did not indicate in which texts this was.

In any case, it also appears from his study that for a great number of years existing books were used for some subjects. It appears however from the first part of this chapter that the weight of a number of subjects was often less important in the curriculum. Also for mathematics, for example, material from the Brothers of the Christian Schools or the Marist Brothers was used for a long time. A number of these books were translated into Lomongo but others were written in Lingala or in French and were also used like that. For geography, publications were only provided in the 1950s, primarily by Frans Maes. Further, a whole series of fairly practically oriented schoolbooks was published in the framework of so-called observation lessons.[xxix] These ‘books’ (often only a bundle of copied pages) contained a number of texts on the most diverse subjects: descriptions of traditional objects and their use, interactive skills (politeness), hygiene, animals. There was an amalgam of subjects, which were sometimes also taken from the schoolbooks made for other courses. Furthermore, specific books existed for the fields of hygiene, botany and zoology, interactive skills and drawing.

2.2.1. History: Ngoi and the whites
From the early 1940s, Hulstaert himself worked on a history textbook, “un cours d’histoire mongo“. It was based on a number of reading lessons from one of the reading books he had written in the 1930s, Buku Ea Mbaanda. The history textbook itself, Bosako wa Mongo (History of the Mongo), only appeared in 1957 but several of the texts used in it had previously been published in the periodicals of the MSC, which also appeared in the regional language. They had probably already been used in this way. The logical consequence for the history lessons must have been that only the teacher disposed of textual material.[xxx] A fairly unique text written by Paul Ngoi was included in the publication of this history book. Ngoi was a pupil of the MSC who was rather close to Boelaert and Hulstaert and was involved as an assistant in editing a number of MSC publications in Lomongo, Le Coq Chante and Etsiko.[xxxi] In 1939 Ngoi, who can probably be considered an évolué avant la lettre, wrote the text Iso la bendele (“Us and the Whites”). The text was intended to be an entry for a literary competition, organised by the periodical Africa, published in London.

Ngoi’s text is a surprising account of traditional customs. The concept certainly does not fit in the Western tradition of historiography, as it was used in the schoolbooks. It is not a chronological summary of political events, forms of state and cultural characteristics of particular periods. Instead, Ngoi treated a number of social problems (sloth, lying, theft) and mechanisms (marriage, death, family, jurisprudence, authority) of the traditional Nkundo society. The difference, for example, from history books as used in secondary education by the Brothers of the Christian Schools is considerable. The texts appear very much to be accounts of contemporary events, but they weren’t. They testify to a way of narration, probably typical of cultures that relate their history through the spoken word, which is very close to the way people from those areas still tell stories of their (or ‘the’) past.[xxxii]

Indeed, Ngoi points out at the beginning of his article that there is a great lack of respect for the local population on the part of the whites: “Because, even at present, most of the Whites believe that our ancestors were wild beasts, without any morals and only with mistakes, without any virtue.”[xxxiii] The article was almost completely taken up in the schoolbook, which was compiled by Frans Maes. Ngoi’s descriptions seem objective though. There are no real judgements or criticisms, at least not at first sight. A number of statements are surprising on first reading, such as in the chapter on laziness, which starts with the following phrase: “Here the laziness is innate and gets confirmed with growth.” Which, however, does not mean that later in the text the author actually claimed that the Mongo were naturally lazy people. On the contrary, after a series of examples, he concluded the chapter with: “This is the least we can say about laziness here. It is different from the concept the Whites have.” The chapter “Lust“, about experiences of sexuality “aux temps des ancêtres“, was also objective-descriptive. The antropophagie (“people-eating”) was also treated here in a short paragraph.

As mentioned above, the chapter in question contained a complaint about the bad conditions caused by the arrival of the whites. Armed combat, rubber exploitation, the damage to villages, destruction of local authority, destruction of the family structure, spread of disease and depopulation of the area were examined successively. Further, there were paragraphs on the suppression and loss of local culture and language and on the temptations caused by wealth, luxury and sexual excesses. Each and every charge was levelled against the influence of Western society. In the midst of all this misery, faith was the only ray of hope: “We don’t complain in the same way as we do about the other importations of the Whites.” On the contrary, gratitude was appropriate here: “We greatly thank the Whites for that.”[xxxiv]

A number of considerations have to be made here. Vinck continually questioned the extent of the originality of this text and whether there was any far-reaching influence from the missionaries when it was written. The fact that Paul Ngoi was, for a very long time, an assistant of Hulstaert, supposedly played a role in this. From the perspective of this chapter, however, the exact answer to this question is irrelevant. After all, the text was used in a schoolbook by the MSC. The missionaries must thus, in any case, have been in agreement with the statements made therein. The schoolbook seems, at first glance, to be an example of how the subject matter, in this case history, became more Africanised, or was at least moved away from a European perspective. A few marginal notes need to be added here. Firstly, the use of this text is situated fairly late in the colonial period and thus its possible influence coincided with decolonisation. Secondly, Vinck remarked that there are a number of internal contradictions in the text. The matters covered in the first descriptive part of the text (and thus of the book) were not necessarily positively qualified. Vinck also posited that Ngoi himself often criticised the practices he described. But in the last chapter, where the intervention of the whites was covered, the tone changed dramatically.

This text was an example of the often ambiguous stance of the MSC towards the local culture. This, in its turn, was a result of the position they took regarding a number of social issues, both at home and in the colonial context. Its meaning for the content of the lessons and thus for the pupils is in itself just as ambiguous. The tone of the last chapter was very radical and very negative. The question is how this one example should be evaluated in the totality of the subject matter. Firstly, we can assume that the tone of most schoolbooks and subject matter contrasted somewhat with this critical stance. In other history lessons (often parts of schoolbooks for other subjects, such as geography or religion), a very different tone was employed. An example of this is Bosako w’oyengwa (Histoire Sainte) from 1935, in which the arrival of the whites is also described. The text of the lesson in question, reproduced here, takes a far more ‘traditional’ stance. Secondly, the impact of this book can be questioned, given that it was only used in the sixth and seventh year.

The Whites in the Congo
The kings of Europe had learned the news of the Congo. They found out it was a big country with a big population. But its people are cruel and sin is very distinct in them. They go to war between themselves, they put each other in prison and they shoot lots of people. The Arabs came to the Congo from the East at Tanganika and through the rivers Tsingitini and Lualaba. They defeated the natives; they captured lots of slaves and took them to their own region to sell them there.
The kings of Europe were greatly upset by this news. They gave the Belgian King Léopold II authorisation to keep Congo in order to slow down the wars, to chase away the Arabs in order to free the men from slavery and to teach them the intelligence of the Whites and to raise their wealth through trade.
Léopold had sent his men to Congo. But the natives did not appreciate the arrival of the Whites and their teaching; they defeated them and plundered their possessions. Then, the Whites campaigned against the natives. They spread throughout all regions of the Congo and they defeated the natives and dominated them. There were a lot of battles amongst the Arabs and certain men, because they were very cruel. But the Whites had weakened their strength. When the wars ended, they freed the slaves and started to embellish the country. [xxxv]

Extract 3 – Reading lesson on the arrival of the whites in the Congo, from Bosako w’oyengwa III.

2.2.2. The reading books written by Hulstaert
The reading book, as a specific form of schoolbook, is an interesting object of study in this matter, for several reasons: of all the material, it probably had the greatest distribution; it was used from the first year; the MSC and also Hulstaert in particular, attach quite some importance to it, relatively speaking; this type of book contains a great number of reading lessons, which cover a wide variety of subjects. In this way, they present a good overview of the themes covered during the lessons and of the most important messages the missionaries imparted or wanted to impart to the Congolese youth. In a few recent studies, analyses of reading books published by the MSC were already discussed.[xxxvi] The conclusions of these studies concern didactic, educational and broader ideological aspects of the reading books and their use in the classroom. These aspects are treated separately here, but it is clear that they are correlated.

Technically
The method Hulstaert used to teach the children to learn to read was specifically concerned with writing and forming words and sentences and learning letters. Whether this was all thoroughly thought-out is another matter. Vinck calls Hulstaert’s spelling method “anti-langue-africaine” but immediately adds that he probably deviated from international standards in this regard because it was too difficult to apply them for learning the language at school.[xxxvii] Further, he did take the characteristics of Lomongo into account, such as grouping certain consonants and vowels and the fact that this language contained seven different vowels. Hulstaert, of course, had written out the majority of Lomongo himself and could thus also determine arrangement and style himself. We can assume that he was very gifted and well grounded in this area and worked with a great deal of insight.

This does not mean that his method of working was didactically well thought-out, let alone innovative. The didactic guidelines he gave in the reading books Buku ea Mbaanda are about the clearest statements he made in this area. Hulstaert wanted to teach the phonetic sounds and subsequently teach the pupils to write the accompanying written letters. In this way, various letters were learned and subsequently placed together, first in meaningless wholes, later in meaningful words. Van Caeyseele calls this an example of a bottom-up method. Keeping more with the spirit of the time, I would sooner call it an analytic method. This by way of analogy with the analytic-synthetic method as was generally used in the first decades of the 20th century. This method assumed that the letters had to be learned by separating them in a series of ‘known’ words. The ‘new’ pedagogy would distance itself more and more from this method to elaborate the ‘synthetic’ elements within it (more visual, more global, working with meaningful sentences and texts instead of just words, which were not necessarily related).[xxxviii] Hulstaert situated himself even further on the other side. It was typical of his method to treat the letters one by one when learning them. The letters themselves had to be ‘deconstructed’. He even wanted to show how letters were actually composed of other letters. A ‘u’, for example, was an addition of two ‘i’s. It was also presented in the instructions to the moniteur in this way.[xxxix] In part II of the same book there were further instructions for teaching capitals.[xl]

Educational-didactical
The Hulstaert method was a system he had designed quite intuitively, without taking account of (other) educational principles. There is no reference here to a global reading method using the context in which words and letters are found, although this method was known at the time. Vinck and Van Caeyseele refer to Alma Hosten, alias Sister Magda[xli] on this point. Vinck said: “It seems to me that she had an influence on Hulstaert but it was impossible for me to perceive the exact outline of it.“[xlii] Van Caeyseele goes even further in her study: “She was informed of the insights into the new school movement and from these criticised Hulstaert’s gradually surpassed method.“[xliii] It is probably exaggerated to speak of real ‘criticism’ in this context. Indeed, Hulstaert himself published a contribution by Hosten in Aequatoria, in which she mentioned reading books.

In this she clearly referred to Hulstaert’s method: “Every reading method for beginners should be illustrated. Illustration captivates! The separation of words into syllables is an unhappy business. It is unmethodical, literally distracts instead of concentrates. I have taken the following test: let a particular group read syllable by syllable, connect those syllables into words and finally achieve fluent reading. Have another group take no account of the divisions between syllables. Group 1 had significantly more trouble than Group 2. It will probably be said: the pupils should not read in separate syllables or parts! But: why place these sections in front of the students and weaken the strength of the reading image then? That is to disturb the literary understanding; when there could be a beautiful harmony between image and speech.” (…) “Small lessons are far more interesting than separate sentences without a connected content. Those lessons also prepare a suitable base for the style practice. They can also be a great help for a global reading method.”[xliv]

From the correspondence between Hulstaert and Hosten it seems that they got on well with each other and that there was some agreement on Hosten’s educational approach. In a letter from April 1942 Hulstaert wrote to Hosten: “You know that I agree with you completely concerning the purpose and principle methods of teaching.”[xlv] For her part, Hosten complained to Hulstaert about a colleague in Boende, Sister Martha, who she did not feel was cooperating in the implementation of modern teaching methods. For those who read between the lines some envy between the Sisters cannot be discounted.[xlvi] At any rate, Sister Magda boasted that she had qualifications and professionalism as opposed to her colleague.

Instructions for the teacher

The method for teaching reading and writing.

• Repeat the previous lesson but don’t take too much time over it.
• Then the new sounds. Pronounce a few words in which these sounds are used. Show the pupils some objects which are meaningful through these words (by fact or by drawing).
• The pronunciation of the sound. A few pupils pronounce the sound individually and then all together.
• Homework. The pupils think about words which start with the new sound. Then they try to find words in which the sound is located in the middle or at the end of the word. They pronounce it without haste in order to learn how to control the sound in a very clear way. If they don’t understand something, or if they hesitate, help them by asking questions.
• Writing. Write the letter neatly on the blackboard. Explain the pupils the different parts of the letter. Then teach them the block capitals.
• Reading exercise. The pupils read the written letters first and then the letters in block capitals.
• Writing exercise. They write the letters on the drawing board with care. After that they correct the mistakes. Then some people write the letters on the blackboard. After that you make them remove what they have written.
• Put the new letters up onto the blackboard next to the old ones; (parts of words, the words themselves, then phrases). One by one they read them out loud and then all together.
• They read the lesson in the book.
• They write the words that are on the blackboard, after that the words that are in the book.

The method for writing a capital letter:

• Teach the shape of the letter in italics at the blackboard.
• Write your letter in different parts and unite the parts in order to create an entire letter.
• Show the pupils the comparison between this letter and some previous letters, or they look themselves.[xlvii]
• Some pupils try to write the letter at the blackboard and their friends should look for mistakes and differences between the letter written by the pupil and the one by the teacher.
• The pupils copy the letter either onto the drawing board or into their notebooks. After that they correct it.
• They imitate the language which is used in the book.
• Don’t fail to check the force with which the pupils try and the way they hold their pens and the way the notebooks spread out in order to get all things straight.

Extract 4 – Instructions to the teachers, from the MSC reading book Buku ea njekola eandola la ekotelo

Ideologically
Although it is said that Hulstaert pays less attention to the religious in his reading lessons than is traditional, that influence was present nevertheless.[xlviii] From recent research it appeared that this did not follow from the chosen themes so much as from the way in which they were addressed.[xlix] From the analysis of the contents of a few reading lessons, in MSC reading books and those of other congregations, it is apparent that an explicitly religious motif (as the theme of the reading lesson) was not always as clearly present. Where Kita stated in the case of the Pères Blancs that 28% of the reading lessons (from reading books published in the 1910s) analysed by him had an explicitly religious theme, Vinck and myself came to only 12% in the case of the MSC’s Mbuku ea Mbaanda (first published in 1933) studied by us. In a comparable reading book from the 1950s by the Dominicans (working in Uele, North-East Congo) that portion was even lower. Without drawing general conclusions from a rough comparison of three different congregations, I think that the period of publication can explain this difference to some extent.This should be nuanced by stating firstly that the religious theme was part of a broader moralising motif and these were both completely intertwined. When the facts are seen in this light then Pierre Kita’s remarks in his study of the reading books of the Pères Blancs must be agreed with: “Religion very clearly occupies a predominant place: not only the themes that are completely dedicated to it, representing around 28% of the total, but also the biggest parts of the texts which are related to social life and even to studies are influenced by religious morals.”[l] In the study of the MSC and Dominican books the same characteristic came up: “Regarding this topic you should take note that the two types of handbooks contain many references to God and to his glorification, in all kinds of lesson.”[li] Secondly, most reading books, whatever the date of publication, had a long life and were often used for several decades. Kita expresses this in the case of the books by the White Fathers. This was the same for the MSC, as is apparent from correspondence. This is especially informative as to the moralising element remaining imposingly present in the schoolbooks until the end of the colonial period.Educational ideas: a measure of nothing?

3.1. Influences and allies
In the second year of Aequatoria (1939) an article appeared signed with the initials Z.M., standing for ‘Zuster Magda’ [Sister Magda].[lii] This article was unique, for two reasons. As far as known she was the only woman ever to publish a contribution in the original Aequatoria series. Apart from this the content was also unusual for the periodical: Hosten wrote a report on the manner in which she had worked with the school curriculum. The subtitle of the article was literally: “Application of the primary school curriculum”. She treated each subject that was taught in turn and referred to the curriculum brochure. The general conclusion that can be drawn from the article is that the sister certainly did not feel herself bound to the curriculum to the letter. This started with the first subject, native language: “The education in letters received an ample share, due to its undeniably great educational worth.” Yet the curriculum made different emphasises. In the causeries she said quite determined: “The useful and formative subjects of the curriculum were covered, the remaining were omitted.” In the lessons on medicine: ”Apart from the curriculum, special attention was given to illnesses of local importance.” From the article it was apparent that much attention was given to the development of the language and mathematics lessons. The descriptions of the performances in the lesson ‘native language’ were very extensive. The sister mentioned the kinds of exercises that were done and which topics the students had mastered. In the case of mathematics it seems special attention was given to fractions. She also described the methods used.

May the Sacred Heart of Jesus be loved everywhere

Boende, 16.7.42

Very reverend Father Superior,
I thank you most warmly for your last letter. I often thought that I had become uninterested in class matters. The judgement of others (…) But when I read your letter, I felt clearly that I was not at all indifferent to your approval or disapproval. And I saw clearly – never before so well – how you are a light and support to me. It is most human I know but I confess it to you most simply.

Dearest Father Superior, allow me to speak my heart. As far as Sister Martha is concerned… I think it has been enough. I have nothing against her personally and I do not believe that she has anything against me personally. [It is a] very different case than that of Sister Beatrijs. But she is not the person to be left in education any longer. You remember the fate of earlier moniteurs … and now hers have had enough. They are good and simple boys… they are exemplary, they are our teachers and have a simple good and loving spirit… it is all I ask.
Not long ago 3 of Sister Martha’s moniteurs went to Father Henri and said plainly that they could not take it any more with Sister Martha, that they had had enough of it. 1000 proofs, facts, … Far too many to list. Father Henri told them to continue in their duty, not to criticise anyone and to wait.

You can see, good Father Superior, all things allowed, that intervention is needed. Her adjustments to new methods are extremely weak… a continuous stumbling block for me, a brake that slows the system. Lately during a visit to the class with Father Paul I saw that she had dropped the mathematics method, without having asked my good advice or permission, and was ploughing on in her own way. The reading method? As long as it is examined in that way… I cannot bring about anything definite… I could continue to write for a long time in this way.
Finally it is the spirit of Boende that she will never be willing or able to accept, for she has never loved the blacks in her heart. She says it is singing that wrenches here and everything would be solved if she could teach singing again… Talk. Her spirit has never been different… The singing has made the mood less sweet and finally unbearable… And if she would only see that she is not the person to teach singing, just because she is not an educator.
If only she was just harmful to the teachers like this… I could easily tolerate this for another 20 years… but she is damaging to education and that is as precious to me as the apple of my eye. It is a great pity for education that such people busy themselves with it, even if they finally achieve something. Education must work inwards… and such people have never looked into the child’s soul. I do not judge people in any way by saying this… for I have my faults as she does.

Dearest Father Superior, it is starting to be hard for me… besides, I do not believe she feels much for education… success – eventhough it is imagined success, the downsides were far greater than the success – kept her up and so still tolerable in some way. I do realise, very reverend Father Superior that it is hard now to find a solution.

Extract 5 – Letter from Sister Magda to Gustaaf Hulstaert. Aequatoria Archive.

Hosten was a professionally trained secondary school teacher and this clearly showed from the language she used. She referred several times to “the occasional method” or the “purpose occasional education”. She was apparently very interested in these methods and tried to encourage the moniteurs to join her in this. That was not a simple assignment she said: “This is still a plague to those who naturally adhere to the ‘système des tiroirs’ and who don’t dare or know how to make bridges between the parts of a subject or between the separate subjects.” From the report it also appears that repetition was a very important element. In the subject ‘mathematics’ each year started from the beginning and then went further according to the ‘excentric method’: “In which the learning material is treated 1) every year and 2) always more extensively.” She further clarified that she was not using this excentric method exclusively but intermittently with the concentric method. This meant that the subject matter was always studied in more depth. She did mention that the system was not fully completed yet: “Yet to teach a subject in this way demands a purposeful division of the subject matter. But we have not been able to do this yet for most subjects, due to lack of time. Because this takes a lot of personal preparation.”

The meaning of this text should not be underestimated. In the inspection reports that can be found on the schools in this period, educational concepts and ideas were almost never being referred to. The emphasis was far more heavily on facts and material data. Especially the fact that Hulstaert put this section in his periodical has its importance. After all, he published the article because he felt that it described a situation as it should be. Aequatoria was not a mission periodical; the propaganda element certainly did not play a part. The article had a more normative function. In other words, it can be supposed that in most other schools things were far less progressive and modern. From the last statement it can be deduced that the lessons given by the moniteurs were in many cases not so structured.[liii] This puts the direct importance of this specific text for the image that the contemporary reader forms of the colonial class into perspective. Sister Magda was not representative. More than that, she was an exception. Likely she was even an exception in her own environment, which is also apparent from the letter she wrote to Hulstaert about her colleague, Sister Martha. At that moment she was also a young, ‘fresh’ power. Someone who, for the sake of an educational ideal, worked actively, cared heart and soul for her work, and with a desire to put her accumulated knowledge into practice.

Hulstaert had an interest in the ideas tested by Hosten and certainly was not opposed to them. His correspondence with her was in a fairly friendly tone; he did not criticise her article. From other articles it is only too clear that he would speak his opinion about other’s articles without hesitation if he found it necessary. A good example of this was the publication of the article “Pédagogie Civilisée et Education Primitive“. The article was written by Vernon Brelsford, a British district commissioner in Nigeria. It was originally published in English in Oversea Education. Hulstaert summarised it and translated it into French and published it in 1945 in Aequatoria. He added: “No doubt that this remarkable study will interest our readers. We took the liberty, counting on the well-known British open-mindedness, to add a few considerations as notes.”[liv] In his article the British functionary strongly emphasised the differences between the two types of education. The comparison between the two was consistently to the advantage of Western education. Hulstaert did not hesitate to add some strong doubts on this opinion in the footnotes of the article. In this he presented himself as critical both of the opinions that the author expressed and of European society. He also put into perspective all the differences that Brelsford had emphasised. In opposition to the Brit he saw no incompatibility between the education systems in Africa and Europe and no supremacy of the European system. He did not see parallels between the new trends in education and African education. That conclusion would show too much interpretation. He did enumerate some characteristics of the African system that were essential to him and stood up for the Africans.[lv]

Hulstaert profiled himself very much as an indigenist and by this he expressly meant to oppose himself to the established authority and to be critical.[lvi] His views were fully revealed in the conflicts with the Brothers of the Christian Schools about the way in which they worked in the schools in Bamanya and Coquilhatville.[lvii] Namely, the use of French as the language of education was a constant bone of contention for Hulstaert. In 1945 he wrote an article for the periodical Aequatoria in which he gave a ‘seven-point plan’ of educational principles. Supposedly the reason for writing this article was to be found in the conflicts he had experienced over the past years with the Brothers of the Christian Schools. In the article he argued for a ‘general’ education as a counterbalance for the so-called ‘modern’ education: “Primary school teaching, as teaching in general, needs resolutely to engage in the path of adaptation.” (…) “This conclusion is a result of certain given facts; the social nature of man, the existence of natural societies which have the right to be respected, just like everything that is good in nature; the principles laid down as a basis for the colonisation by the Government of the Belgian Congo, whose aim is to civilise the natives, to refine them in a harmonious manner in all fields while respecting the native organisation and the traditions.”

It does appear a little contradictory that he so loyally refers to what was almost a kind of official ideology: the civilising mission of the Belgians in the Congo as a justification of their presence. Yet the content of certain schoolbooks corresponded to this. The whole results in a rather schizophrenic image. In a letter to Sister Magda, which we have already quoted, he made it very clear what “adaptation” meant to him. The students needed an education that would prepare them to continue living in their hometown: “You are quite right to say that success in Bamanya and Bokuma is not the main goal of our education; education should not even take any account of it, whatever may come of boys who continue studies later. But I do have a certain reservation in the case of Bokuma and this because the education there is in the same spirit as with you. An adaptation has to take place eventually.”[lviii] Bamanya and Bokuma were the only places at that time where some form of further education could be found. It was to this that Hulstaert alluded. He also emphasised this strongly in his seven-point plan, which he published in Aequatoria. At least three of the seven points indicated it. The training that prepared the Congolese to be aides in the service of the Europeans could only be taught in the écoles spéciales. Even in the écoles spéciales that provided a specific, applied training, the personal nurturing of the student could not be neglected. So it was also clear to Hulstaert which conclusion was right concerning primary education: “It is absolutely necessary to avoid transforming primary school education into a preparatory course to a technical instruction (in the largest sense of the word). On the contrary, this preparatory course should be based on the primary school education.”[lix]

In December 1941 he wrote a letter to the head of the missions in Bamanya in which he expressed his anxiety about the state of affairs at the teacher’s training college. In the past there had been a decision from the vicariate that there should be a limit on the amount of pupils allowed. Now that there was a new primary school in Coquilhatville that restriction was removed again so that, in principle, entrance to the teacher’s training college was not limited, at least for the pupils in Bamanya. Hulstaert did not like this idea. It posed a number of fundamental concerns for him. The teacher’s training college had to “remain a real teacher’s college”. By this he meant that the training should not take account of other societal needs and that they should exclusively aim at the training of teachers headed for the rural MSC schools in the interior: “Instead of changing or adapting ourselves to schools in places of exception we will continue to insist on more adjustment of the teacher’s college to the needs of the schools in the interior.” He also clarified what the implications of this would be for the curriculum: “Considering conditions inland the following are the most pressing topics: general formation classes, language (Lonkundo) and grammar, mathematics. Our teachers inland do not need so much knowledge, but rather a general overview, insight, and development of the intellect and everything that can help with this. Courses like French, however useful for other purposes, are of lesser importance for our teachers.”[lx]

The fact that Hulstaert was occasionally on the same wavelength as the followers of Education nouvelle seemed to be mainly a result of his indigenism. This ensured that he wanted attention paid to the concrete living environment of the Congolese. But there were other motives beside the purely educational behind this. In reality his religious conservatism as well as his distrust of the modern world remained alive, including in his writings for school. Vinck already wrote that he never progressed beyond an “éclectisme limité” in theoretical educational knowledge. That knowledge was based on the possession (and likely also the reading) of certain conservative Catholic-inspired handbooks: Didaktik by Otto Willman and the overviews of Frans De Hovre and Victor D’Espallier (Nieuwe Banen). It should be no surprise that he consulted these books in the light of what was said earlier about the influences the MSC candidates experienced. [lxi]

3.2. Clashing visions
3.2.1. With the Brothers
The views of the MSC corresponded to a great extent with those of Hulstaert, that much is clear. Yet it would be wrong only to mention Hulstaert here. Though he was a prolific writer and a very active and enthusiastic missionary who left the most traces of all the MSC in the colonial period, there were also ‘lesser gods’. From the number of confrontations that Hulstaert and the MSC had with other parties in connection with the teaching material, it can be inferred that although there was often a united view, this was certainly not always the case. The best-documented examples of this are without a doubt the continuing arguments the MSC had with the Brothers of the Christian Schools, although they were brought to their vicariate by the MSC themselves in the 1920s. In this conflict Hulstaert took the lead. Sometimes he dragged other MSC with him in this, whilst others were much more sceptical about his discord with the Brothers.

That his article of 1945 on general training was also directed to the Brothers of the Christian Schools became visible in his standpoint on the language of education, amongst others: “We cannot continue along the line of polyglotism within primary school education. The already-mentioned programme of reorganisation provides, in certain circumstances, up to three languages at 2nd level. Primary school education, which in nature is meant to be for the mass population, will not know what to do with the whole linguistic requirement, which overloads the programme and confuses the pupils’ minds.” The struggle against French as the language of education would finally be lost but the fight against the Brothers was more than a language struggle.[lxii] It was also a power struggle. From 1939 there was an aim to apply the same curriculum guide across the entire MSC vicariate. It is clear that the MSC had at least partial authority in the local education network. All other congregations working in the region were contractually bound to them. At that point the Brothers of the Christian Schools were an exception. In Bamanya they were working for the MSC but not in Coquilhatville, as they worked in an official school there. The inspection authority in the region was allocated to the ‘head congregation’ in the area and thus to the MSC. Paul Jans, who was the head missionary at the time, wrote to Hulstaert that he had argued to “make an independent whole of the primary schools with curricula that are as identical as possible. In all our posts, including Bamanya, among others, I emphasised that much more needs to be done for Nkundo and less for French. After the fifth year a certificate could then be given of completed primary education. Boys who do further studies to be a moniteur, in Bamanya as well as other posts of the mission, are then united in a 6th year, taught by an indigenous Brother, that must be followed as 1^st year vocational training and where there is plenty of French besides a revision of the primary curriculum.”[lxiii]

In general Jans did not seem to follow in the same line as Hulstaert on the subject of holding back the inland children, he thought that they were certainly welcome at the Brothers’ school in Coquilhatville. He even explicitly accused Hulstaert of sowing seeds of hatred and of unconsciously contributing to an aggressive feeling towards the Brothers among a number of his fellows.[lxiv] He wrote the following about Hulstaert’s educational ideas: “I find your theory about Forcing and Leading very nice but wishing systematically to refuse entrance to Coq where we cannot convince our people inland seems very much like ‘volontariat forcé’.” Such statements clearly show that even Hulstaert’s contemporaries found his way of dealing with the Congolese to be quite patronising. Apparently Hulstaert wished to have a united curriculum not just for the entire region but especially for all congregations. Jans clearly had problems with his method: “What I propose for the unification of the primary school curriculum for all mission posts that function normally are thoughts that are at least four years old and for which I already had some unpleasantness in ’35. But practically, the cooperation of everyone, also the Brothers, is required for the creation of this curriculum. I do not believe in a monopoly on truth or correct thought or correct insight. With nobody.”

Hulstaert kept pushing and would lock horns with the Brothers on more occasions. He wrote to the higher orders when it appeared that the Brothers were planning to follow the official curriculum in their subsidised school in Coquilhatville, instead of the subsidised missionary education curriculum. The curriculum was mainly based on the Belgian curriculum and therefore much ‘harder’ than what was taught in most Congolese schools. Reisdorff, the government inspector, answered him in the name of the governor general: “It goes without saying that the Reverend Brothers of the Christian Schools are allowed to follow curricula of official schools, the pupils subsidised being usually destined to continue their studies at the official school of Coquilhatville.“[lxv] Hulstaert retaliated, saying that the use of the official curriculum would lead to a surplus of graduates all of whom would not be able to find work. This would inevitably lead to abuses, a society of ‘unclassed’. However, the governor general did not follow him in his reasoning. In a friendly but decided manner Reisdorff refused Hulstaert’s suggestions.[lxvi] He suggested that subsidised schools function under the missionary school curriculum completely independently of the official school system. There would then be a selection of the best students to have finished the first grade who would have the opportunity to go to the official school and eventually to middle school. In his reply Hulstaert agreed to this solution but took the opportunity to describe his ideal once again: the complete separation of primary and secondary school, so that primary school could focus purely on general education, “without referring to further studies.” To make the step to middle school an extra “preparatory year” could be provided after the fifth year.

Language use was also discussed. As late as 1943 Hulstaert wrote to the Brother Director in Coquilhatville: “You know that it is absolutely important to us that Lonkundo is the working language. The moniteurs educated in this language will have no problem here. For the foreign pupils, who don’t know the working language, the moniteurs should provide an adaptation system, which to me seems easy to elaborate.”[lxvii] The fact that his confidence in the Congolese moniteurs was noticeably higher than at other times is striking. Brother Director, who had been confronted with the same demand ad nauseam, answered Hulstaert in a rather cynical tone: “According to your desire, once more expressed, the working language called ‘Congolese’ or regional language is, as you say, Lonkundo. Others will say Lingala, some others Lonkundo-lingala for Coq. However, the language the young people will almost exclusively use in the working environment later is French, wouldn’t it be good to give these elements as soon as possible?“[lxviii]

But Hulstaert did not let up and answered bluntly that decisions on the organisation of education in the vicariate were up to the vicariate itself, according to canon law. From this he drew the equally definite conclusion: the spoken language at school was Lomongo. The study of French as a subject could only begin in the second grade. Only the students at the official schools would need to speak professional French later, those of the free schools would not. It would not be fair to ‘sacrifice’ the whole population for the sake of a minority elite. The main body had to remain native.[lxix] On the subject of the official school Hulstaert took an equally clear position, which he often offered directly: “At the moment the greatest danger for our school is the official school of Coq and if no intervention is made then all those learned, degenerate blacks, the most immoral, the drinkers, the animals as we know them here, bring it to the point when you will again be obliged to place the Brothers in the central schools inland as teaching personnel.[lxx] His resistance was to make no difference. In his inspection report of 1943 he had to establish that the Brothers continued to steer their own course (which was in accordance with the guidelines and ideas of the government): “It was painful to have to note that the directives I gave through a letter no 1965 of March 2 of this year, regarding the curriculum to be followed, the working language and the teaching of French, had not been executed.”[lxxi]

There was no agreement among the various MSC about Hulstaert’s stance towards the Brothers. We have already pointed to Jans’ remarks on the subject. Not everyone had such radical opinions, as is abundantly clear from a letter by the rector of the missionary post in Bamanya, Van der Beken. He was reacting to a letter of Hulstaert’s, in which he seems to have been particularly shocked by the attitude of the Brothers. Apparently he did occasionally pictured them as real bad guys who would destroy the Congolese youth. Van der Beken was more positive about the Brothers: “Most honourable and dear Father Superior, I received your letter of May 1. I believe what you write and yet the Brothers do not neglect their religious education, every morning they must prepare this in particular. Brother Director also gives them special lessons on their responsibility as teachers. They are actually Brothers of the Christian schools, how would they bring down our holy faith? I accept that their teaching is not adjusted to the mentality of the blacks as they do not know that mentality.” So it seemed at first sight that he wished to protect the Brothers and wished to deny Hulstaert’s accusations. But that was not the case for the moniteurs: “And yet the Christian life is not felt, not experienced, the teachers feel no responsibility for the community, they are not Catholic as they are not universal in their actions, they are egoistic and that only to the bad because their egoism goes to complete independence. They feel themselves to be lord and master and to be subordinate to none.” There appeared to be a very negative vision of the evolution and the possibilities of the Congolese behind this. The efforts that the missionaries went to did not really make a difference since even the Congolese who were raised by missionaries inland got big ideas: “With their little learning and their cockiness they are just shameful.”

It appears that Van der Beken felt rather powerless, not equal to the ‘great’ civilising task that was traditionally attributed to the missionaries: “Of course I don’t claim that school is a necessary evil but I do think that the concept of school may be wrongly understood by many of us. What improvements have not been introduced in Europe and daily more improvements and adjustments to the students are sought. Dear Father Superior, our vicariate is quite new and many of our priests including myself are not well enough grounded or developed for a revolution. I am just a very normal everyday priest, one may say ‘made in Japan’, I should be more aware of current conditions, should apply myself more to serious literature on the missions, be able to understand better the depth of the Negro soul.”[lxxii] This quote clearly shows, in my estimation, that the world of the average missionary at work was not so straightforward, simple and self-assured, although that impression was often made in missionary and other propaganda literature.

3.2.2. With the government
There were not only troubles with the Brothers of the Christian Schools. A number of MSC fell foul of the government. There was often an ideological factor connected to this, which sometimes makes it difficult to interpret the content of certain discussions. A conflict broke out in 1951 concerning the inspection by government inspector Eloye. That year, during his inspection round of the MSC, he found a number of things that he did not feel corresponding to the intentions of the education curriculum. He gave an extensive description of this in his inspection reports, which did not earn him many thanks among the missionaries. Complaints were made to the provincial governor Bruels de Tiecken. The case reached the governor general, who tried to reach a compromise and make peace between the brawlers. He decided to send Jean Ney, chief inspector of colonial education, to check Eloye’s inspections and to search for a solution in consultation with the provincial governor and the vicar.

It was in Boende, where father Van Linden was responsible for the school at that time that Eloye had been overcome by criticism. Van Linden had told him that he only considered the inspection reports and other official guidelines to be advice, to which he did not feel bound in any way in cases where they did not correspond to his own vision. He accepted no addendum to the curriculum and would not respond to anything communicated to him in French, out of Flemish-nationalistic convictions. In Ney’s version the remarks were already put into perspective: “The Reverend Father has generalised his opinion on the official communications, confirming that if he were the boss, he would not ask for the subsidy because he doesn’t like the official and that in this way he would be the boss in his own school.” Ney acknowledged that Van Linden was very active and devoted to the school but he also had to admit that he had a number of old-fashioned ideas, which did not tally with the image that one should have of a school. He did not communicate what these ideas were exactly but he did report that Van Linden had told him literally: “The schools do more harm than good.“[lxxiii] Which convictions or considerations could have been at the basis of this statement was not clear to me in the conversation I had with Van Linden.

On his part, Breuls de Tiecken complained to the governor general about the fact that the missionaries positioned themselves so aggressively. He then also proposed to reconsider subsidies again in cases such as Van Linden’s. “Also, the continuous pressure from the people being inspected by the inspectors, either because of themselves, or because of powerful intermediary people or organisations, would succeed in paralysing the control up to a point where it would become ineffective.” He believed that the treasury should not subsidise a person who openly contradicted generally accepted educational and hygienic principles, who often flatly refused to read official correspondence addressed to him and who considered inspection reports and other guidelines to be nothing but simple advice when they did not tally with his vision.

Mgr. Vermeiren then defended his missionaries to Breuls de Tiecken. He referred to a number of other complaints the inspector had expressed. He maintained that he had done everything possible to sketch as gloomy an image as possible of the mission of the MSC. According to the inspector, the handwork in many rural schools consisted almost entirely of laying roofs in ndele or in harvesting palm nuts destined to be sold for the benefit of the missions. Vermeiren said this should be checked. According to him, the fact that catechists were in many cases appointed moniteurs was a distortion of reality. Actually, the moniteurs had to function as catechists as well. The thorniest question, however, was still that of the language of education. Vermeiren seemed to become rather enraged about this: “A handful of foreigners, instead of integrating into the environment where they are leading a prosperous life, uses its privileged situation as a European to impose the teaching of a foreign language (Lingala, JB) on millions of natives because all in all they are but Negro and (…) because it is easier for the others.”

On this subject, the MSC clearly closed ranks but they were fairly isolated. The province governor thought the missionaries should teach in Lingala because the majority of the population of the province did not know Lonkundo and everyone tried to speak Lingala. The Brothers of the Christian Schools had sensed this and had adapted themselves in their school in Coquilhatville. “Judicieusement“, Breuls de Tiecken thought. To the great surprise and probably also dissatisfaction of the MSC, Father Moentjens found the same in Bamanya: “To my great surprise I noticed that between moniteurs and pupils Lingala is well spoken and even during the lessons certain moniteurs introduce words and expressions from Lingala into their language. I drew this to the headmaster’s attention and asked him kindly to put the entire weight of his power to good use to effectively combat this abuse which does not constitute an imaginary or illusionary danger.”[lxxiv]

3.2.3. With the Congolese
Conflicts also occasionally erupted with the Congolese. These were even less visible to the outside world because the balance of power was to the advantage of the missionaries and the Congolese were never really given the opportunity to make their problems and demands explicitly known. On some occasions there was nevertheless evidence of serious problems between the missionaries and Congolese students. One striking event, which is still mentioned today in conversation with missionaries and which is to be situated in line with the conflicts mentioned, was the ‘uprising’ of the seminarians in Bokuma.[lxxv] From 1926 the MSC had tried to start a classics degree in Bokuma, relating to the priestly training. Originally Boelaert, together with Petrus Vertenten, was one of the driving forces behind this project. From 1932, when the area of the MSC was raised to the status of ‘real’ vicariate, things began to move: the training became more professional and became truly a training in its own right, more than just a result of the primary school. It has to be noted that even in this type of school there was an emphasis on handiwork and its educational value. The curriculum seemed to develop prosperously. In any event, Boelaert himself expressed his satisfaction in a letter at the end of 1934: “When I arrived here four years ago, I found only six students, and now we are closing the year with six well-formed classes, with regular attendance and the best prospects.” The emphasis was on the study of Latin and the native language.

In 1936, the first seminarian dissatisfaction was observed. According to the Fathers, there were people who wanted to leave to study elsewhere or there were people who were discontented because they had been away from home for a few years. It was not so surprising, at least according to commentaries given by the missionaries themselves about the lives of the seminarians: “The life at a boarding school and abstaining from contact with family members and people of the opposite sex, the regular enforcement of the regulations, the relatively heavy studies, the constant guarding they are exposed to and the constant effort that is required are all obligations that are far harder for them than we can easily imagine.”

Sanders wrote the following for 1937: “Expressions of obstinacy and pride. Amongst other things, they will refuse in class to write down a text because it is in Lonkundo: they must have French!“[lxxvi] A year later a whole class left the préparatoire (the preparatory department of the classics degree): “Bikoro is leaving, but largely because of Lonkundo.” What this means exactly is unclear. However, it may be assumed that the pupils from the nearby region of Bikoro were being referred to. The seminary of Bokuma had, after all, received the status of ‘regional’ seminary some years before. Concretely, this meant that students from other vicariates in the Equator province also went to the seminary there. The level of the training was rated very highly by the missionaries. They assumed that only very few candidates were eligible for it.

In any case, problems concerning the language had clearly developed. Something similar also happened in Bamanya after the Second World War. If possible, information about this is even scarcer. Cobbaut did speak about it in his inspection report of 1946: “Since the beginning of the school year Brother headmaster has had to deal with a number of serious difficulties, probably caused by the bad atmosphere that must have been prevalent from before amongst the moniteurs and the students. Three moniteurs have dropped out because either they left their work illegally or they had to be sent away because of very bad behaviour. All the students of the third normal year have, in a spirit of revolt, left the school, with two exceptions, who filled the vacant positions of the moniteurs in the primary school.” We don’t find out in his text what the exact problem was. One of the former students of the teacher training college in Bamanya, Jean Boimbo, reported a similar fact: “One day, if I can remember well, the Brothers nearly went on strike because they didn’t agree with the vision of the MSC. Then they said: ‘if it is for those problems, you can come and teach yourself. But we, we have to teach ourselves, that’s not it. Well then the children shouldn’t waste their time.’ That’s when they gave up. Yes.” (…) “And we followed the strike, if we were not taught following the curricula of the teacher training such as … (sic)” However, he situated his studies at the teacher training college after 1949. This indicates that the Congolese also noticed the problems between the MSC and the Brothers and that they slowly became aware that they were in a position to make certain demands. We will examine this in more depth in the following chapters.

Conclusion
The subject matter taught to Congolese pupils at primary school shows clear differences from what was taught in Belgium. However, it must be posited that these differences were not in the essence or content of the subject matter as such. At first sight, the list of the material taught looks largely parallel. Above all, Religious Education was taught. Besides this, the same basic subjects were taught as in Western schools: arithmetic, writing, reading. Though it seems there were many parallels, there was one important exception. The language of teaching, and the learning of French in particular, was always the stumbling block of colonial education. The discussions on this topic dragged on until the end of the colonial period. The stance of the MSC, with Hulstaert as its most outspoken representative, is probably one of the most illustrative examples of this. Their choice for the native language later appeared to be a strategic mistake and primarily caused a great deal of conflict with the local population and from the 1950s on also with certain government officials.

The rest of the education curriculum, which, however, was not put into practice to the same degree always and everywhere, showed a far-reaching takeover of Belgian habits and subjects. The strong emphasis placed on – at least to the Congolese – strange and exotic geography and history of the motherland and the West on the one hand and the forceful emphasis on handwork and practical skills on the other hand always had clearly ‘metropolitan’ roots, though they were not necessarily included in the curriculum for the same reasons. More fundamental, however, is the position that the share of ‘new’, ‘adapted’ or ‘African’ subject contents was as good as non-existent. In this regard the MSC could actually be considered as exceptions, given their relatively broad concern for the conservation of local language and traditions. Whether this was out of emancipatory convictions can however be doubted, if only because of the fact that language and tradition were offered to the students in a ‘Catholic’ package.

At a level of didactic technique, the conclusion seems clear and uniform: even Hulstaert, who was responsible for the production of the majority of new reading books at the MSC, was not an education expert. A remarkable link between his ideological views and education is formed by the fact that he wanted to maintain the individuality of the local culture. Through this he unwittingly placed himself in the same line as the ideas of educational reformers from the first half of the twentieth century. At first sight, his indigenistic principles were linked to the upbringing “vom Kinde aus” and the “Nouvelle Education” in general and this led to his designation as a ‘didactic progressive’. He considered himself like this: “What is the best method? Difficult to say, but mine is based on the language and thus adapted, it also improves the functioning of writing and reading instructions.”[lxxvii] This was no empty statement. Hulstaert had indeed done his best to take the specificity of the local language into account when writing the reading books.

It must finally be noted that, certainly in this area, it is easy to overestimate the influence of Hulstaert in the historical perspective. After all, he was a person who published a lot and also played a very active role for a long time within his congregation and the mission territory. Put another way: so many other missionaries who were active in the field and who were undoubtedly also influential remained far less visible. However, it can be shown that these opinions were certainly neither shared nor accepted by everyone: Hulstaert had to deal with opposition and conflicts from the missionaries, in his own or other congregations, as well as from the government and from the Congolese themselves. Despite this, it appears that in the field there were not many revolutionary or progressive ideas concerning education and that classroom practice was more a result of traditional conservative Catholic views on the one hand and the more or less automatic application of known basic principles on the other. The foundation of this image is formed by the scarce testimonies about more innovative ideas or initiatives together with the positions and statements expressed in contemporary conversations and correspondence between missionaries.

NOTES

[i] I base this on the following publication from 1923: Programme Type des écoles primaires communales, Bruxelles: Ministère des Sciences et des Arts. p. 116.
[ii] [Original quotation in French]Organisation de l’enseignement libre subsidié pour indigènes en collaboration avec les sociétés de Missions Chrétiennes, 1948, p. 8.
[iii] The Revue Pédagogique Congolaise was a joint initiative from the recently founded university of Lovanium and the Centre d’Etudes des problèmes sociaux indigènes (CEPSI) in Elizabethville. It was published from 1955 as an appendix to the Bulletin du CEPSI.
[iv] Verhaegen, P. & Leblanc, M. (1955). Quelques considérations au sujet de l’éducation préprimaire de l’enfant noir. In Revue Pédagogique Congolaise, n° 2. p. XVII-XXXII.
[v] “Uit brieven van Z.E.P. Vertenten aan de studenten der apostolische school te Assche”. In Annalen, 1928, 10, p. 219.
[vi] See Briffaerts, J. (2003). Etude comparative de manuels scolaires au Congo Belge: Cas des Pères Dominicains et des Missionnaires du Sacré Coeur. In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H., Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge, Studia Paedagogica 33, Leuven: University Press. p. 167-196.
[vii] Inversely, the study of Belgian Congo was on the Belgian curriculum in the third and fourth years.
[viii]  Organisation de l’enseignement libre subsidié pour indigènes en collaboration avec les sociétés de Missions Nationales, 1929. p. 19. [Original quotation in French]
[ix]  The chefferies (translated from the lesser used term “hoofdijen”) were the first territorial units in the governing system implemented locally by the colonial administration. In the interior (i.e. not in the cities), the population was divided into chefferies that were subsequently grouped in sectors. In the first instance, the colonial administrative authority was active per sector. According to the law, common law remained applicable to a certain degree (within the boundaries stipulated in law). Hence the designation of city areas by the name “centres extra-coutumiers” or “outside common law areas”, at least for the Congolese districts in those cities.
[x] Organisation … 1929, p. 42. [Original text in French]
[xi]  Africa Archive Brussels, Missions Collection, no. 647, “inspection scolaire 6”. “Ecole de Filles des Grands Centres. Coquilhatville. Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école dirigée par les Filles de la Charité. Année 1927”. Soeur Borsu, Coquilhatville, 1928. [Original quotation in French]
[xii]  Africa Archive Brussels, Missions Collection, no. 647, “inspection scolaire 6”. “Ecole de Filles des Grands Centres. Coquilhatville. Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école dirigée par les Filles de la Charité. 1928-1929”. s.n., s.l., s.d. [Original quotation in French]
[xiii]  Lazarist Archive Leuven. “Rapport sur les oeuvres des Filles de la Charité de St-Vincent de Paul à Coquilhatville. Exercice 1930”. s.n., Coquilhatville, January 1931.
[xiv]  Africa Archive Brussels, Missions Collection, no. 647, “inspection scolaire 6”. “Rapport sur le fonctionnement des écoles primaires du premier degré, mission de Coquilhatville, année 1928”. P. Vertenten, Bamanya, 27 March 1929.
[xv]  Africa Archive Brussels, electronic inventory, no. 16.484, documents nr. 36 (Wafanya) and 38 (Bokuma). “Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école primaire du premier degré dirigée par les RR. PP. Missionnaires du Sacré Coeur”. G. Jardon, s.l., June 1929. [Original quotation in French]
[xvi] Lazarist Archive Leuven. “Rapport sur l’enseignement des écoles des Révérendes Soeurs de Saint Vincent de Paul à Coquilhatville”, P. Vertenten, Coquilhatville, February 1930.
[xvii] Africa Archive Brussels, electronic inventory, no. 12.490, “schoolinspectieverslagen 1932”.
[xviii] Alma Hosten (1909-1985). Mission sister, Daughter of Our Lady of the Sacred Heart. She was originally from Leffinge and from 1934 worked in the boys’ school in Boende. Hosten had an education degree for primary schools and was a teacher of sciences (obtained at the H. Hart Institute in Heverlee). With this, she was by far the best-educated person employed there. See Van Caeyseele, L. (2004). Gustaaf Hulstaert: katholiek en/of indigenist? Unpublished Master’s thesis, Leuven; Vinck, H. (2002). A l’école au Congo Belge. Les livres de lecture de G. Hulstaert. 1933-1935. In Annales Aequatoria, XXIII, p. 53-54; Venard, M. (1992). De geschiedenis van de belgische provincie der Dochters van Onze Lieve Vrouw van het Heilig Hart. Brussel: Dochters van Onze Lieve Vrouw van het Heilig Hart; Corman, A. (1935). Annuaire des missions au Congo Belge.
[xix]  Vinck, H. (2003). Les livres scolaires des MSC. In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H. Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. Leuven: Presses universitaires. p. 133-166.
[xx]  AAFE 12.5.1. Inspectie van de meisjesschool te Bamanya, 1946. F. Cobbaut, Bamanya, 28 September 1946.
[xxi] AAFE 11.3.3-7. Rapport d’inspection de l’établissement des Soeurs Missionnaires du Précieux Sang à Bamanya (école primaire mixte pour indigènes et école ménagère). M. Vanmeerbeeck, inspecteur-adjoint au service provincial de l’enseignement, Coquilhatville, 8 May 1947. [Original quotation in French]
[xxii] AAFE 12.5.6. Report on the inspection in the girls’ school in Bamanya, 1944. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 17 November 1944.
[xxiii] AAFE 12.5.3-5. Report on the inspection in the primary and teacher schools in Bamanya. 1944. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 4 November 1944. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xxiv] AAFE 9.4.2-6. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire et de l’école de moniteurs à Bamanya. 1952. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 31 September 1952.
[xxv] Ibidem. [Original quotation in French]
[xxvi] The following paragraphs are also partially based on sources unlocked by him and the studies he made of them. I rely here on the contribution of Vinck, H. (2003). Les manuels scolaires des MSC. In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, M. & Vinck, H., Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. Leuven: Universitaire Pers. p. 133-165; Briffaerts, J. (2003). Etude comparative de manuels scolaires au Congo Belge. In Ibidem. p. 167-196 and Van Caeyseele, L. (2004). Gustaaf Hulstaert, katholiek en/of indigenist? Unpublished Master’s thesis, Leuven.
[xxvii]  AAFE 5.2.6-8. Letter from P. Jans to Frère Visiteur. Bamanya, 8 January 1929.
[xxviii] Vinck, H. (2003) Les manuels scolaires des MSC, p. 158. [Original quotation in French]
[xxix]  Vinck situates this in an evolution of educational methods but observation, or “intuition”, was a part of the syllabus from the beginning, as was already apparent from the curriculum discussions of 1929.
[xxx]  Moreover, Vinck says, there were only 50 copies printed of this book. See Vinck, H. o.c., p. 152.
[xxxi]  Le Coq Chante was a biweekly MSC publication (1936-1948) that originally dealt with mainly religious and literary themes, mainly in Lomongo, partly in French. After 1940 there was a greater variety of topics. “In serial stories and sometimes in dialogue form whole courses were published: on biology, on geography of the Equator province, on medicine, on childcare”. Etsiko (literally “the palaver tree”, from 1949 to 1954) and Lokole (“signalling drum”) Lokiso (1955-1962) were successors to Le Coq. With this latter edition the intention was to put the editing and edition fully into the hands of the Mongo, at least according to the MSC themselves. The chief editing was done by Paul Ngoi and Augustin Elenga. Elenga (1920-1986) was a student of the MSC. After studying at the école pour moniteurs in Bamanya, he taught at the primary school in Boteka. From 1950 he became the personal secretary of Hulstaert. Paul Ngoi (1914-1997) received primary education with the Trappists in Bokuma in the first half of the 1920s. Later he followed the Latin humanities section at the small seminary of the MSC. He taught there himself in the preparatory department from 1931 to 1937. Subsequently he worked as a clerk at the mission printing press of the MSC. See De Rop, A. (1975) In dienst van de autenticiteit. In Vereecken, J. (ed.) Missionarissen van het Heilig Hart. 50 jaar in Zaïre. Extra-edition of the MSC-circle. Borgerhout: MSC. p. 26-30, and further http://www.aequatoria.be/ under “Bio-bibliographie de personnes” and http://www.aequatoria.be/archives_project/ under “Edition & analyse”.
[xxxii]  In the first instance this caused serious problems on the level of the interpretation of the story of one of the Congolese former pupils of the MSC, namely Stephane Boale. About this problem see also chapter 9.
[xxxiii] Vinck, H. (2001). “Nous et les Blancs” (Iso la Bendele). Considérations (1938) de Paul Ngoi sur la vie traditionelle des mongo et leur confrontation avec la colonisation belge. Unpublished text. This is a French translation of Ngoi’s text, made in 1999 by Charles Lonkama, secretary of the Aequatoria research centre in Mbandaka. The text is destined for publication in the Annales Aequatoria. [Original quotation in French]
[xxxiv] Vinck, H. (2001). “Nous et les Blancs”. [Original text in French]
[xxxv] Bosako w’oyengwa III, edition 1955, p. 225-245, translated in the framework of a translation project led by Bogumil Jewsiewicki, at the University of Laval, Quebec (code J-34). This text is actually taken from a schoolbook of the Marist Brothers from 1928, Buku Ya Nzambe, though Hulstaert claims its authorship for himself. The text of this lesson is also reproduced in the anthology by Vinck, H. (1998). Manuels scolaires coloniaux: un florilège. In Annales Aequatoria, 19. p. 3-166 also published on the Internet www.abbol.com [Original text in French]
[xxxvi] Here I specifically mean Vinck, H. (2002). A l’école au Congo Belge. Les livres de lecture de G. Hulstaert 1933-1935. Introduction et textes. In Annales Aequatoria, XXIII, p. 21-196, and the two already cited articles by Vinck and myself in Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge.
[xxxvii] Vinck, H. (2003), Les manuels scolaires des MSC, p. 51.
[xxxviii] Van Gorp, A. (2004). Gedragswetenschap in de steigers. Het psycho-pedagogisch vertoog van Ovide Decroly ontmythologiseerd? (1871-1932). Leuven: unpublished doctoral thesis. p. 111-114. An extensive series about the analytic-synthetic method was published in the educational periodical “Zuid en Noord”, the forerunner of “L’école moderne”.
[xxxix] Missionnaires du Sacré Coeur (1933). Buku ea njekola eandelo la ekotelo I, Coquilhatville: MSC.
[xl] Ibidem.
[xli] Sister Magda was Alma Hosten’s name in the convent.
[xlii] Vinck, H. (2003). Les manuels scolaires des MSC, p. 54. [Original quotation in French]
[xliii] Van Caeyseele, L. (2004). Gustaaf Hulstaert. Katholiek en/of indigenist? [original quotation in Dutch]
[xliv] Z.M. [Alma Hosten] (1940). Notes on reading books. In Aequatoria, III, 3, p. 61-62. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xlv] AA, Fonds Correspondance Hulstaert, 161, Letter from Gustaaf Hulstaert to Sister Magda, 16 April 1942. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[xlvi] See p. 293. Source: Aequatoria Archive, Fonds Correspondance Hulstaert (microfiche 162).
[xlvii] The translator means “or let them look for it themselves”.
[xlviii] See Van Caeyseele, L. (2004). Gustaaf Hulstaert.
[xlix] As published in Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H. (2003). Manuels et chansons scolaires.
[l]  [Original quotation in French] Kita, P. (2003). Les livrets de lecture des Pères Blancs du Kivu (1910-1950). In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H. Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. p. 83.
[li] [Original quotation in French] Briffaerts, J. (2003). Etude comparative de manuels scolaires au Congo Belge: Cas des Pères Dominicains et des Missionnaires du Sacré Coeur. In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H. Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. p. 182.
[lii] Z.M. (1939). From a school report. In Aequatoria, 1939, II, p. 55-58.
[liii] This is developed in more detail in the next chapter.
[liv] Brelsford, V. [translated and commentated by G. Hulstaert] (1944). Pédagogie Civilisée et Pédagogie Primitive. In Aequatoria, VII, p.24-27. [Original quotation in French]
[lv]  Briffaerts, J. & Vancaeyseele, L. (2004). Le discours de la nouvelle éducation dans le contexte colonial: le grand malentendu. Paper presented at the 26th International Standing Conference for the History of Education at Geneva, July 2004.
[lvi]  Honoré Vinck also expressed himself in this way in various conversations I had with him, among other things about Hulstaert. He described him as someone who knew how to draw attention to his work and his person, this being one of the reasons that his work has remained far more known than that of Boelaert.
[lvii]  Vinck, H. (2004). Assimilatie of inculturatie. Conflicten tussen de Broeders van de Christelijke Scholen en de Diocesane Onderwijsinspectie in Coquilhatstad.1930-1945. Lecture for the Belgisch Nederlandse Vereniging voor de Geschiedenis van Opvoeding en Onderwijs (BNVGOO) [Belgian Dutch Association for the History of Education], Amsterdam, 19 March 2004, unpublished.
[lviii]  AA, Hulstaert Correspondence Collection, fiche no. 161. Letter from G. Hulstaert to Sister Alma, 16 April 1942. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lix]  Hulstaert, G. (1945). Formation générale et école primaire. In Aequatoria, VIII, 3, p. 87-91. [Original quotation in French]
[lx] AAFE 1.5.3-4. Letter from G. Hulstaert to Louis Van der Beken, head of Bamanya mission. Coquilhatville, 10 December 1941.
[lxi]  See chapter 2, [p. 91 and following].
[lxii] Hulstaert, Boelaert and many others did not have any qualms about speaking French and using it in their daily work.
[lxiii] AAFE 30.1.7. Letter from P. Jans to G. Hulstaert. Coquilhatville, 14 January 1939. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxiv] AAFE 30.1.8-9. Letter from P. Jans to G. Hulstaert. Coquilhatville, 24 January 1939.
[lxv]  AAFE 30.1.10. Letter from the government inspector Reisdorff to G. Hulstaert. Leopoldville, 6 December 1941. [Original quotation in French]
[lxvi] AAFE 30.1.13-14. Letter from Reisdorff to G. Hulstaert. Coquilhatville, 19 January 1942.
[lxvii]AAFE 30.4.2. Letter from G. Hulstaert to Brother Director of the school of the Brothers in Coquilhatville. Coquilhatville, 6 February 1943. [Original quotation in French]
[lxviii] AAFE 30.4.3. Letter from Brother Director to G. Hulstaert. Coquilhatville, 10 February 1943. [Original quotation in French]
[lxix] AAFE 30.4.9-10. Letter from G. Hulstaert to Brother Director. Coquilhatville, 2 March 1943.
[lxx] AAFE 30.5.10. Typed memo from G. Hulstaert, unknown addressee, 14 May 1943. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxi] AAFE 31.1.9. Rapport sur l’inspection de l’école libre subsidiée dirigée par les Révérends Frères des Ecoles Chrétiennes à Coquilhatville. G. Hulstaert, Coquilhatville, 27 November 1943. [Original quotation in French]
[lxxii] AAFE 1.1.10-12. Letter from L. Van der Beken to Hulstaert. Bamanya, 11 May 1942. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxiii] Africa Archive Brussels, electronic inventory, no. 12.452, Inspection V.A. Coquilhatville 1949-1953. “Contrôle des inspections faites pendant l’année 1951. Province de l’Equateur.”, Jean Ney, Inspecteur en chef de l’enseignement, Leopoldville, 11 December 1951. [original quotation in French]
[lxxiv] AAFE 9.4.2-6. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire et de l’école de moniteurs à Bamanya. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 31 December 1952. [Original quotation in French]
[lxxv]  This information about Bokuma comes from one single source, a report written during the 1960s by one of the MSC, Remi Sanders, entitled “Historiek van het klein seminarie van Bokuma”. This is an unpublished, typed text of 36 pages kept in the archive of the MSC in Borgerhout. This study is based on archive pieces originally kept in Bokuma itself. Honoré Vinck himself saw this archive piece in the Congo. According to him it was never transferred to Belgium. Where the archive pieces in question are situated now is uncertain, only the text of Sanders was recorded on microfile.
[lxxvi] Sanders, R., Historiek van het klein seminarie van Bokuma, p. 10.
[lxxvii] Gustaaf Hulstaert in a letter to Paul Jans, 26 June 1929, quoted by Vinck (2002). A l’école au Congo Belge, p. 49. [Original quotation in French]

In this chapter the focus shifts slightly to didactic and educational practices, insofar as these can be known. This is used in the meaning of every day interaction between missionaries, moniteurs (teaching assistants) and pupils. The inspection reports give some insight here into what really happened, although in most cases from a distance. Although the reports and letters from inspectors may be said to be perfect examples of the normative, this does not mean that they make it possible to see clearly what practices were criticised and for which practices alternatives were offered. Two contrasts that were discussed earlier appear again and ‘mark’ distinctions between them. The first is the distinction between the centre and periphery, which, in this context coincides with the dichotomy mission school – rural school. In the previous chapters it was obvious that the material situation was very different depending on whether a school was situated at the central mission post school or a bush school. The second contrast between the two types of teachers, missionaries or moniteurs corresponds largely with the mission school – rural school situation. These distinctions are, in fact, situated almost entirely within the context of the central mission school, considering that, almost by definition, no missionaries taught in rural schools.

However, they do not correspond completely. Ideally, it should be possible to identify three different situations within the context of (Catholic) missionary education: A first situation in which pupils received education without any, or only sporadic, intervention from missionaries. This is what was found in rural schools; a second situation, in which a moniteur gave lessons in a central mission post, near to missionaries but not in their permanent presence; and a third situation in which the missionaries exercised permanent control over what happened in the class or gave lessons themselves. This third situation was, as should already be clear, quite unusual (except in the initial phase of a mission post). In a number of cases one subject was given systematically by missionaries. Usually that was religious education. In other cases one class, and usually the highest one, was entrusted to the care of a missionary. This occurred mostly from necessity because no native teacher could be found who was suitable for the job. In girls education there were, relatively speaking, more female religious who actually taught themselves. This must be explained by the fact that female education was way less developed because of the social context in which Congolese girls functioned and because of the position of the female religious workers themselves.

The organisation of this chapter is not, in fact, along these lines. The available sources were, after all, almost exclusively produced by the missionaries themselves. It also seems to me to be difficult to deal in an even-handed manner with situations in which the missionary staff were absent and to give them, quantitatively speaking, just as much space as the others. For this reason another approach was chosen. It starts from general observations or questions (“topics”). This is probably less structured but at the same time also ‘more honest’ towards the reality studied in the sense that it has been decided beforehand to start from one particular aspect, to collect information about this and to discuss it, but without causing the reality to ‘stop’ at a particular moment. In any event this approach is easier to grasp because in this way we avoid telling a too compartmentalised story, whereby for each of the three proposed hypotheses the same topics would need to be dealt with again and again.

Discipline
1.1. The school rules: theory…
In principle every school had to have school rules: “In every class there hangs a set of rules for the Colony: there is a lot on it, 20 numbers composed by the Father Director of the Colony himself. Get up … attend Holy mass… Work… school… eat… go to sleep… and so forth…“[i] The scope of the rules probably differed strongly according to the place and the congregation that was active there. A very interesting example for the study of classroom reality is the rather comprehensive rulebook of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, created for the Groupe Scolaire in Coquilhatville.[ii] In theory, the Brothers had been given responsibility for the pupils during school time but in practice their reach went further. The rulebook contained a mixture of instructions that was directed at the moniteurs and the pupils. It constitutes a very normative source, to the extent that we can expect it to effectively reflect reality for a large part. The book begins with a list of provisions that applied to the teaching staff. It applied to their behaviour and also to their tasks with respect to the pupils. Among these, a lot of attention is paid to religiously inspired themes. After a few indications for the maître chrétien himself (enough prayer, be punctual, make sure that the timetable is respected), there follows the first chapter “éducation chrétienne“. Reciting the correct number of prayers a day, the use of a rosary, going to mass and confession at set times: it was the task of the teaching staff to make sure that the pupils certainly did these. “Enseignement” was only mentioned in the second section. Here, a number of items were discussed in connection with the teaching method, from which not very much can be deduced about the reality. The teacher must follow the curriculum and make an effort to pass perfect knowledge on to the pupils: “He shall carefully prepare his lessons and give methodical and graduated education. He shall apply himself to cultivating the intelligence of his pupils as well as their memory and language.”

The importance of good manners, external behaviour and appearance were underlined again in this section: “He teaches a course on etiquette and takes any opportunity to teach the pupils politeness.” An aspect that was comprehensively covered after this, in the second section, was the “règlement disciplinaire“. Further, a number of formal, administrative duties were set down, such as keeping lists of attendance and the checking of absentees. In one of the rules it was also expressly determined what the moniteur was not allowed to do:

The teacher must refrain:

1. from hitting, mistreating the pupils, from giving them unjust marks;
2. from keeping the pupils after the regulatory school hours, from removing a pupil from the class and sending him home without the approval of the headmaster;
3. from writing any discourteous note or expression on the pupils books;
4. from preventing a pupil from taking part in examinations;
5. from sending the pupil on errands outside the school, even for things related to the class;
6. from smoking in the schoolrooms in the presence of pupils;
7. from reading newspapers in the playground and especially in the classroom;
8. from writing his classroom diary or preparing lessons during school hours.

Extract 1 – Restrictions laid on the teacher. From the school rules of the Brothers of the Christian Schools in Coquilhatville. Source: Aequatoria Archive.

The first section ends with the list of prayers that must be used in the classroom and with a few quotations about “la récompense du maître chrétien“. These quotations were undoubtedly intended to be motivating. The motivation was not supposed to come from the pay but from the moral satisfaction that flowed from the work of a teacher. Finally there followed the text of the morning prayer for the teacher, which must be prayed before the beginning of every school day (“To nourish his faith, fan the flames of his zeal and in order to receive the light of heaven he needs to guide the children, the teacher will fervently recite the ‘teacher’s prayer’ before school each morning“). In the second section purely disciplinary measures are mentioned. Not that there was nothing said about order and discipline in the first part, but here the behavioural rules for the pupils were set down, while the first part was presented more from the teacher’s perspective. In a number of paragraphs the different aspects of the required behaviour were revealed: entering and leaving, diligence and work, behaviour in class, “classe et classique” (meaning class equipment, JB), order and discipline, playground and recreation, behaviour on the road, cleanliness and politeness, behaviour at church, apologetic and polite expressions.

Order, discipline and self-control were the leading principles in the text. The pupils must always show self-control, they had to fulfil the pattern set down for them both with regard to movement and language. What had to be said, what the pupil had to do and how he had to do it were set down for all forms of communication with adults. If a visitor came into the classroom, the pupils knew what they were supposed to do. They had to stand up and, preferably in chorus, pronounce the appropriate greeting: ‘Some visitors occasionally said: Good day children’ or ‘Praise to J.C.’. The pupils responded: ‘Good day sir…’ or ‘Amen’.” They had to stand up in a particular way: they must look at the visitor modestly and show by a “smiling physiognomy” that they were happy to receive a visit. It is not at all clear what that implied in practice and if it was always done effectively as it was set down. After they had seated themselves again, they must pay attention to the visitor if he had come to say something: “Having sat down appropriately with their arms in the resting position, all eyes and ears were turned to the words of the visitor, who would address them.”

The rules also included prescriptions for behaviour during lessons. The pupils must sit calmly at their desks and should not bother their neighbours. To ask something or to give an answer they must raise their right hand, without snapping their fingers or making other noises. When being asked questions the pupil should stand up next to his desk, “a straight back, head turned towards the teacher, a smiling face“, and answer with a loud and clear voice. Apart from this the rule prescribed silence, order and neatness. It was also prescribed what the pupil was allowed to do outside. That was not much: on the stairs or in the gangways there must be no running and no talking, shouting or whistling. On the playground the same applied: the rule determined that the pupils must play. It even suggested quite strongly what should be played: “The games to be used are ball or Foot-ball (sic).” Also, during play pupils should avoid lying on the ground, pulling each other or fighting. The same rule continued: “Fisticuffs are not to be tolerated.” The pupils must also not hang around near the toilets.

Even outside the school the pupils had to follow a comprehensive code of behaviour: in church but also in the street. A chapter “Behaviour at church” explained how the pupils had to behave at church, how they should come in and how they must sit: “At their place they will worship and avoid making any noise, they will bear themselves appropriately while kneeling or sitting and shall look towards the altar without turning their head from one side to the other.” Again, a strengthened form of discipline applied in the immediate neighbourhood of the church. Playing was not allowed around the church, even before the start of the church service. On the way to school or home the pupils must retain their dignity above all. A number of things were bad, such as “Shouting, racing around; throwing projectiles or giving way to all other misplaced fantasies.” They must greet all those who held positions of superiority with the appropriate respect (and those were particularly priests, religious workers, teachers, all Europeans and the parents of other children). They must above all be helpful. They must show the way for strangers, though without walking with them. Finally, to streamline contact with the outside world even further, this publication listed a number of summed up formulae for politeness, which the pupils were to use in all kinds of circumstances when speaking to adults.

1.2. …and practice?
It looks very much as if people wanted to control what happened in the classroom and even the behaviour of the children outside the classroom as much as possible by fixing it in formulas and procedures. It remains difficult to judge whether this corresponded effectively to reality, or if it remained a wild dream. The guidelines and rules are recognisable in so far as they were also applied in Europe. Just as in nineteenth-century Belgium corporal punishment still existed in spite of all the fuss and the objections that were made about it, also in Congo corporal punishment was still used, even though it was usually against the rules. Jos Moeyens reported such a case in 1934. Somebody called Bolawa, a moniteur in one of the rural schools, in the area of Bamanya, went further than he was allowed to. Paul Jans had him put on the spot for this. According to the report by Moeyens the person concerned had afterwards pulled himself together: “According to the chief moniteur, Louis Nkemba, this moniteur is more ready to take orders and has paid attention to the remarks that were made by the Father P.Jans, rector of Bamanya, and so has delivered evidence of his goodwill. He beats the boys less and when he is teaching explains the lessons better.”[iii] The fact that people here speak of ‘less’ shows that the missionaries had nothing much against a slap being delivered now and again. Only in extreme cases such as this did they have to intervene. In Flandria there were similar but less heavy complaints from the director Frans Maes: “Moniteur Ngola, who is very enthusiastic and competent, has to learn to moderate his expressions and not to react too heavily, for example with Lingala sentences and expressions, as if he was a policeman! I had already mentioned this to him.“[iv]

Again in the number of other cases it is not as clear whether corporal punishment is being referred to or less severe forms of punishment. For example, in an article in the Annals about the school of Mondombe: “‘Petelo’, asked the Father, ‘why haven’t you been to Mass today?’ Without fear but still somewhat abashed he replied ‘Fafa, I was sleepy and too lazy. Was that not a frank answer? Then was heard, severe and earnest: ‘come to my office after school’… The office of the Fafa! .. Very many father-like admonitions were given there. It is sometimes more effective and far-reaching with just two people. In any case, it was certainly good for Petelo. Still, the children know the Father not just as the ‘Man of discipline’.” What is to be understood by this last expression is not completely clear. The Fathers were certainly against the teachers giving the pupils physical punishments. The Pierre Bolowa mentioned was reprimanded and threatened with dismissal. Another moniteur from a rural school in the area was also tackled by the missionaries because of complaints about hitting pupils: “The moniteur: gives a relatively good impression, is clean and tidy. In the presence of the Father and the head he is rather timid in the classroom. It is said that he teaches regularly and well but at the beginning he hit which had caused a few of the Batswa children to run away. The Father reprimanded him on this subject in the presence of the head and the head catechist, reminding him that the school management formally prohibits hitting pupils. If punishment is required, he can send him to the Chief.“[v]

1.2.1. Order and punishment
Order and punishment often went together, for example when working on the field or on a plantation. Jos Cortebeeck writes in one of his articles about the coffee harvest. The Sister on duty kept her eyes open and checked the delivered work of the schoolboys systematically: “At 11 o’clock the coffee gong was beaten and you saw the boys, baskets on their heads, coming from all sides of the coffee plantation, singing and laughing to their mama, by the drying boxes. The Sister busy with the coffee takes the register very carefully, and anyone who has not enough gets a mark and for every mark bakotas (10 cent pieces) are taken away from the week’s or month’s money.”[vi] In the mission of Mondombe the boys had to work in the mornings in the fields, for example in the peanut harvest. This activity was also carefully checked. Rightly, according to the writer of the article: “The Father whistles, it is a signal for the end of the work. Those from the nuts must first be checked. ‘Arms up! …” at this command everyone stretches their arms up and more than one peanut falls to the ground. After that is checked behind the ears. There our head finds more than one unpeeled peanut. Embarrassed they leave.“[vii] The pupils often had to provide their own food, either completely or a great part of it. It was therefore not so surprising that they used all the possibilities of doing this. They used the pauses between the lessons but sometimes they had to go about it in the evenings too, although to do this they had to disobey the rules about curfew.[viii] At the start of the 1930s the state inspector observed that in Flandria the pupils often stayed away for a few days so as to gather rations.[ix]

Taking food belonging to the missionaries without permission was certainly punished. Another quotation about the mission of Flandria shows how this happened: “Fafa Octaaf has dark but sharp eyes and quick hands. Once he caught two schoolboys who were eating from the ‘botanikken’ of the Sisters. He caught them by the scruff of the neck (collar we would say) and put them on their knees in the courtyard in the view of everyone. In front of them were spread the few remaining fruits. ‘Yes you terrible naughty boys, I will send you to Ingende; this afternoon the administrator will come and throw you in the pen! You can wait here on your knees.’ After an hour or so Father Octaaf came to see …[x] The ‘botanikken’ referred to the Sisters’ garden and the fruits that grew on the trees there. The pupils were not allowed there. This was also complained about in other places: “We were not allowed to climb up to search for palm nuts because it belonged to the mission, if not we would be sent from school or punished. We had to go behind the priests’ territory. We collected all the nuts that fell. That was behind their territory. Even the fruits that fell, good grace, you had to be sure that you weren’t seen collecting them!“[xi]

The Fathers were obviously persons that you had to look out for, at least in the view of their Congolese pupils. In the articles that appeared on this in the Annals, that was never said explicitly. In certain passages there was so much emphasis placed on the disciplinary character of the school experience that this almost automatically raises questions about the way in which order and discipline were imposed: “And this school of 400 boys, you don’t hear them, not even in their quarters of stone houses, one house per village, you don’t hear them, you see them in the church but you don’t hear them: there is discipline there, they are drilled, there is a power under it, the secret of the two Sisters, who never hit, never shout, now and again one just moves her head.”[xii] It certainly shows that in a number of cases the disciplinary rules, just as in the example of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, were also applied effectively. That is also apparent from the story already told about Sister Imelda: “Remember that for our new boys it needs a lot of effort to live according to the rules day-in day-out without falling short. The Father likes order and discipline. That is necessary with this gang of rogues. The Father takes care of lighting the fires of diligence under them. Now and then he comes in the school and it is not always to congratulate but also sometimes to ‘reprimand’.“[xiii]

From the point of view of the Fathers that was really just one side of the coin. They also saw themselves as rewarders. The following quotation about this comes from the same article and shows that there were indeed other methods used to bring the young people to the right path. Giving the expectation in the future of particular material benefits to be awarded not only constituted a permitted method to get the boys to do what they wanted them to. The point system referred to here clearly illustrates that the control by the missionaries was applied over a very broad area: black marks could be received in the church, at school and at work. Frans Maes reported somewhere that he had developed a specific point system to ensure better discipline. Obviously, black marks were given out for disobeying the rules, but these could be cancelled by the pupils and there was the possibility in any case of ‘earning’ good points. In this manner, the community also benefited from it: “DISCIPLINE: left something to be desired at the beginning of the school year. This explains the large number of pupils being sent home, at least amongst the older boys. By applying the system of buying back the bad points by voluntary work, I have obtained a good result and at the same time the levelling of the football field was finished faster than planned.”[xiv]

On a certain day Father comes into school and says: “it is already fourteen days since the school has begun… everybody knows the rules and I am going to reward those who keep strictly to them.” And in every class he showed a pair of beautiful trousers, in a khaki colour with a pocket on the side; and with it a leather ‘nkamba’ (belt). beautiful… really beautiful… Everybody wants them and in their imagination they are already at the distribution ceremony of these beautiful trousers at new year. Still so much time to wait and to never be naughty. Oh, that is something else! That is not for everybody. The older ones have understood quickly. (…) They are so excited they are unable to make any noise, and they look at their neighbours as if to say: “shall we really all get such nice trousers with a belt and a pocket in it?” One of the worst dares to ask the Father just that. The answer is: “The ones who do not get a single black mark will get them at the next holiday.” They are disappointed and their heads are full of questions: “Fafa, is there among the 250 boys only one who will be the lucky owner of the trousers with the nkamba?” The Father has read the quandary from their faces and reassures them, with the assurance that there are many of these nice trousers. And then the diligence is awakened. Now to work. (…)   
The first month has passed. The Father comes to the school with his register and very carefully this time the black marks are counted up, those from the prayers, those from the school and those from the work. Those that only have one bad mark are forgiven but the others get a big disappointment: their nice trousers are gone and lost forever.[xv]

Extract 2 – Sister Imelda about the motivational techniques of the Fathers (1937). Source: Aequatoria Archive.

1.2.2. Nature of the punishments
Punishments frequently had a utilitarian character, which can be seen from a number of testimonies from former pupils: “We had to go and look for wood or sticks as punishment if we had to be punished for something.”[xvi] And: “There was a punishment, you had to cut so many square metres of grass. Ten metres or twenty or fifty in length and four metres wide. It had to be cut, eh, and this wasn’t like the lawns we have, it was grass that was taller than us. Or, during break we had to cut fifty pieces of firewood, these were called ‘fascines’.“[xvii] And the missionaries also confirmed this. Fernand Van Linden, who was headmaster in Flandria:[xviii]

Was there much punishment?
FVL: Yes, there was punishment. Gathering wood or getting the food ready. Getting the manioc ready for the women. Or weaving baskets.
Was that really punishment for them?
FVL: Yes, Yes, some days they really wanted to go fishing or hunting but then they had to gather wood.
And if they did not want to do it, would they object?
FVL: Then they could go home.
And they wanted to avoid that?
FVL: Hey, yes![xix]

These types of punishment were also used with the girls: “I was given punishment: for one week I had to cut the grass. I was not allowed to go to class.“[xx] Although this sort of punishment was used conspicuously, the nature of the deserved punishment differed from mission post to mission post and probably depended on the amount of inspiration of the local Fathers. When asked whether there were tasks and chores set as punishment, Stéphane Boale, a former pupil of the school in Bokote, said in the affirmative, at first: “Yes, yes, (very affirmative). Clearly. Work with the coupe-coupe. Tidying the terrain. Yes, or sweeping, things like that.” When asked about possible other types of punishment he said: “That is to say, they all had numerous ways of punishing people. A disruptive person would be expelled if it were serious. If a person did something else, for example with regard to the lessons, if they had not done their homework they were told: “you must write one hundred lines of this or that during your free time.”[xxi]

Nothing was ever published in the MSC publications about real corporal punishment in the sense of beatings. A number of people said that the chicotte was still used in other regions until after the Second World War. At the Sisters in Leopoldville: “They beat you with the chicotte (cane) in front of your parents so that you would not start again.”[xxii] In Stanleyville: “And during our time, I must emphasise to you: the educational theory of corporal punishment was in force. If you were lucky, when you arrived late or when you were caught talking you would only be shouted at but generally it was the cane, you see. You see that shows something of the relationship we had with the teacher.”[xxiii] That was obviously never done in the area of the MSC. No traces can be found of the cane either with the Fathers or the Brothers. In any case, it was expressly stated in the rules of the Brothers that physical punishment was forbidden; only work was provided as a disciplinary measure.

This is not to say, however, that this always corresponded to reality. The moniteurs made the children kneel down as a punishment, or sent them out of the class (in which case they also risked punishment by the missionaries, if they were in the neighbourhood): “Did the moniteurs give a lot of punishment or penalties? Yes! To correct a person they had to be punished. And what were these punishments? For a disruptive pupil? They were made to kneel.”[xxiv] And some teachers did, in fact, hit the children: “Being hit did happen, as it always had an effect on everyone. But usually it was prohibited.”[xxv]

Even the missionaries used different sorts of punishments. Suspension: “If you arrived slightly late, even by five minutes, you would be excluded. So, for example, in the boarding school of the Moniteurs, you were not allowed to talk during the night. The Father supervised there. If you talked and that was found out, it was over. You would be expelled, even during the night.”[xxvi] More physical punishments were also used by the MSC. We have referred previously to statements in the letters from Father Vermeiren, from which it seemed that pupils were hit from time to time. Jean Indenge told of Father Pattheeuws, who came to work at the mission of Wafanya in 1951. His presence was experienced as a welcome relief by the pupils because he, much more than the others, concerned himself with hygiene and feeding the pupils. There was one problem: he kicked the children and punished them: “Every Sunday after Mass, he would inspect the pupils to see those who were not clean. And he would kick those who were dirty. And then the punishment.”[xxvii] These things often happened with the best intentions, from the (biblical) principle “that the rod should not be spared”.

That is also apparent from the anecdote that Rik Vanderslaghmolen told about the school in Bokuma. The primary school there was under the leadership of Father Gaston Heireman. When he built new sanitary installations for his pupils, the following happened: “Gaston came to me one day and said: “Come and look at my new WCs. They’ve all wiped their bottoms on the corners!’ That was really dirty! I said: ‘Gaston: don’t worry about it, it will get better!’ And I had some mortar standing, for I was busy with building. And I took this mortar to the WC, and mixed up quite a lot of pili-pili with it. And I spread this mortar rather thickly on the corners. And the next day we heard the boys running from the WC to the river, yelping. Oh dear, Gaston was really sorry about that. And I was really sorry for what I had done, because he was sorry. That his little boys had so much pain on their bottoms.“[xxviii]

1.3. ‘Trouble in paradise’
It is perhaps not obvious at first sight that the interaction between missionaries and Congolese should not be interpreted one-sidedly as one of patient leaders and obedient or at least docile pupils. Still, a number of indications can be seen. In the previous chapter reference has already been made to a number of conflicts in which the MSC, or some people under them, were involved during their missionary work. There are a number of references to conflicts between missionaries and teachers. We refer here to another conflict, of which many fewer traces are to be found. The events occurred in 1943. In a letter to Mgr. Van Goethem, Father Wauters mentioned a ‘revolt’ by the pupils. A number of the bigger boys who were at boarding school in Bamanya became rebellious and had broken curfew by making extra noise after the second sounding of the gong instead of keeping silent. In spite of reprimands by the missionaries during evening mass they repeated that behaviour on other days. Wauters revealed the case in detail. The way in which he reported the facts gives a completely different view of the relationship of power between Fathers and pupils.

After the second “lokole” (gong) they began, just as on the previous evenings, to make still more noise and to throw stones on the tiles of the colony house. I went there myself and P. René came behind. When the boys saw us coming in the moonlight a group of them ran away behind the side of the colony building (the married people’s side) and began to throw stones at us. We fled up to the veranda and the boys who were on the inside square of the colony were quiet when they saw me. Throwing stones on the roof lasted a few more minutes. The big boys, who were there with me, said that it was the children of the married people. I sent them after the stone throwers but they claimed not to have been able to catch any. Then I called the chiefs of the boys and the third class of training college to my room. They insisted that the stone throwers were boys from Bamanya, those of the married couples or those that were lodging with the married people. But the next day they went and told Brother Director that they had not accused the children of the married couples but that I had done so. (Br. Director naturally believed the boys but not the Father.) So with this opinion and going by what the boys of the third year teacher training had told me, the next day before the Mass I called the boys of the married people out of the desks and made them all kneel down in the choir. After the Holy Mass I told them that I was putting them all out of the class. After school the parents came to palaver. They swore up and down that their children were innocent, that it was the boys of the colony themselves who were guilty. Their children went to sleep in good time, they said, and they did not allow them to run around after dark. I began to doubt the guilt of these boys and then I told the two catechists and the five moniteurs to investigate and come and tell me the results. The outcome was that the children of the married people were innocent and that the incitement was from the biggest boys of the colony. (…) When the case was finished, I made the boys who sleep in the colony work all day as punishment. When, in the afternoon after work, they had been to the river and were coming back, on the way they did nothing other than curse the married people with the foulest “bitoli”. When Father René that same evening went to serve a dying man in the village, he was catcalled by a group of boys from the colony as he went by. Then the boys ran away. Then I forbad the boys from the colony from taking the sacrament. The next evening the boys were quiet but when Father René went to his room he found the keyhole of his door blocked up with pieces of wood, so he had to work for a long time until he could get it open. The next day he found his door had been written on with chalk. It made fun of his baldness.[xxix]

Extract 3 – From the letter of Father Wauters about the ‘revolt’ of the students (1943). Source: Aequatoria Archive.

In spite of this it appears from other witnesses that the curfew was strongly applied. Jean Indenge says the following about a curfew in Wafanya and the punishments connected to it: “A 8 p.m. the bell went, to go to sleep. And then the principal moniteur would call an assembly. If he missed a person – and it did happen that he missed people – older boys who had slipped away for two reasons, one of two reasons. Either they had gone fishing at night – but nobody would tell them that. Or the head moniteur thought perhaps they had gone to the city to look for women. We were 12, 13 years old so that wasn’t our problem. But there were some who were 18 and then they had to be supervised! An absence like that, obviously, that meant being suspended. Not having spent the night inside.“[xxx]

This story is situated in the 1940s, and it happened in a more isolated mission post, whilst in the incident reported above it was older pupils who were involved, in the neighbourhood of the ‘big’ town. At that moment the pupils had the courage to act against the Fathers, although not enough to do it openly. The authority of the missionaries over their daily affairs was still strong enough to keep them disciplined. In this a number of intermediaries such as moniteurs and catechists were also called in, these were close to the missionaries and had themselves a certain measure of authority. According to the testimony of former students this situation also evolved. There are however absolutely no traces to be found of cooperation between moniteurs and pupils in the missionary sources we consulted. Jean Boimbo declared though, that private lessons in French were given by the teachers to the pupils outside school hours.[xxxi]

The missionaries must have been somewhat alarmed, however. In inspection reports complaints were sometimes found that there were deviations away from spoken language. Hulstaert and Moentjens sometimes referred to the use of French during and outside the lessons or also to the wrongful use of French by the Brothers but had never talked about the systematic teaching of French by moniteurs. The reprimands for such situations certainly did not occur only with the MSC. Also in other regions the language that had been chosen for education was strongly adhered to, made as obligatory as possible and, indeed, there were frequently punishments.[xxxii]

Rhythm
2.1. The rhythmic passing of the school day
2.1.1. The pupils’ drill
One of the first accounts of the course of a school day may be found in the Annals of Our Lady of the Sacred Heart from 1927. Marcel Es described his work at the mission school in Boende and began with the morning gymnastics of the pupils: “Then the morning exercises are especially useful to bring in some liveliness: the teacher ensures they warm-up. It goes with ‘apparase de repos! En posisson! Un, deux, twa, quat! En ava! en arrière’.” (…) “But once they are at work together they forget all their small miseries. Then everyone dances forward to the rhythm of their singing: and then they feel no hunger, no thirst, no tiredness or pain, until mouths and arms fall still.” (…) “Then it is time that the fafa whistles them together to go to the class in ranks. A and o, and e, and i, and u, that goes well; 2+ 2 = 4 and 3 – 1 = 2, that goes well too. But when it gets more difficult or if the class lasts too long for their taste – and that is quickly the case – then their heads get so tired! Some I have to wake up from a soft, pleasant nap.“[xxxiii]

If anything can be deduced from this report, then it is the importance attached to drill in the school. In the mornings there was an assembly with physical exercises, in groups. After this came the work and here, too, the rhythm and disciplined character of the activities was very important. It is an element that is always present in the stories and reports. For example, in the account by Sister Godfrieda published in 1934 in the Annals: “Every two hours… lokole! Each person jumps up praying and then goes his own way. Then back to school… The road to the village is black with boys! Quickly the small bell tolls that calls them to the line; they saunter to their places amid great chattering. The main bell!.. they fall silent. Sr. Ghislena is standing on the veranda and orders: ‘fiks!’ and seven hundred and fifty pairs of arms go down… ‘Bum’bakata!’ They fold their hands… ‘A fina!’ They pray a Hail Mary, and then they all go into their own classroom.“[xxxiv] The lokole or gong played an important role in de school day, for the most important dividing moments were marked by it, as the school bell did elsewhere.

The former Trappist Brokerhoff also began his description of the working day at the mission post of Wafanya with physical exercises: “After completion of the daily exercises, which last about half an hour, the morning tasks of the missionary are interrupted by a half-hour rest.” (…) “It is in this break that one really enjoys the Congo.” The break was probably for the pupils to go to mass, or to wash themselves. “Just at half past six or a few moments before a small bell rings in the refectory. It is time for breakfast. In the meantime the tasks of the day are prepared and discussed and after a quarter of an hour this first operation is finished. A pipe is filled or a cigarette is lit and one is ready for the show to begin. Now you hear the word Ngaga! (the bell) and the big bell in the hallway sounds. Twelve good strokes and the person who has sounded them, one of the table boys, rushes like the wind to the tam-tam and, helped by one or two of his friends beats with all his might to tell everyone that work – manual work for the older ones and school work for the small and middle-sized – is starting.”[xxxv] In the teacher training college in Bamanya there was a similar routine in the early 1950s, as related by Jean Boimbo: “But I was a domestic, a server for the Brothers. What I had to do, preparing food (…) When we left Mass, we had a kind of cupboard, chests, there were three of us, working for the Brothers, serving the Brothers. The chests always stayed there. The Sisters prepared omelettes, the lunch. (JB: That had to be carried?) They were given to us. The Brothers ate and once they had finished eating we cleared everything up. At eight the bell went and we had to go to class.“[xxxvi]

Next, pupils were assembled. This was also done in a quasi-military way: “Approximately 20 minutes after the beating of the tam-tam they are pretty much all there. In the boys’ quarters the scholars and the big boys stand, separately, in two straight lines. The two teachers for the first, and the capita (headman) for the second, stand to one side or behind them. They hardly see us coming before a command rings out and everyone stands in ranks with the little finger lined up with the seam of their trousers. I go to the middle, just in front of the picture of the Sacred Heart, look around to see if everything is in order and say loudly: ‘A Jina’, at which everybody makes the sign of the cross. Then in the Lonkundo language ‘Do you believe in Christ (Fomemi a Jesu Kristo) and all answer aloud ‘Bideko l’Adeko’.” (…) “Now it is the turn of the schoolboys. Assembly is held in the same way for them. Then when all the names have been called off there is the command ‘fiks’ and they stand there looking at the ‘fafa’ and now a half-hour of exercises can start.“[xxxvii]

That quasi-military character is not a gratuitous interpretation. The missionaries, after all, frequently called on soldiers to take care of the physical condition of the pupils. That was certainly the case in the early years of missionary activity. The Daughters of Charity called on the services of an army sergeant during the first school years in Coquilhatville to take care of the physical education.[xxxviii] A military man was also hired in Mondombe: “Albert Bomanga, a former corporal, gave gymnastics each day at quarter to seven.”[xxxix] It was also common practice later, in which, according to a circular from Hulstaert from 1939, the administration also cooperated: “The administration has announced that the cooperation of soldiers is available, especially with the idea of teaching moniteurs gymnastics, so that they can stand on their own feet later. It would be best if the local school management asked the army command concerned (or the A.T.), at least in places where there are soldiers. In the case of important garrisons, instruction can be given by officers and NCOs, so long as it is necessary to train the native moniteurs. The lessons should take place at most twice a week, preferably from 4 to 5 pm.“[xl]

Frequently, the missionaries considered these exercises to be a separate part of the day, not part of the education, although from 1929 it was included in the curriculum. In 1930 Petrus Vertenten wrote explicitly in his inspection report about Mondombe: “The time given for gymnastics and the experimental garden cannot be taken during lesson time.”[xli] This same thought also comes through in the introduction of the following quotation from Brokerhoff: “When the gymnastic lesson is finished, school begins. Divided into three classes our little curly heads sit on the school desks to sharpen up their understanding with all sorts of subjects connected with education. Reading, writing, arithmetic, song, geography, introduction to weights and measures, drawing, French, there you see the daily programme.” In the letter from Hulstaert that was just quoted it seems from the arrangements in connection with the time of the gymnastics lessons that he also does not consider it a part of the school day.

Discipline was often by far the most important element of the programme, although it was not listed as such. The Annals relatively often refer to the orderly and disciplined character of the pupils: “The clarion calls for the second time; in front of every classroom a double line of eager-to-learn youths forms. Here or there a chatterer dares say a word; but the chin of Sister Bernardine goes up threateningly and forces a reverent silence. Now the rows slowly push into the class.”[xlii] In inspection reports, too, order and discipline were invariably considered as important elements and it was emphasised how this was brought into class life in practice: “The attitude of the pupils: entering and leaving in silence and in a line without any disorder. In class they keep quite, straight, hand on the desk.“[xliii]

In articles in the mission periodical, the authors liked, probably unconsciously, to play on the difference between the natural disorder of the children and the order that resulted from the intervention of the missionaries. That can be seen, for example, from the same article by Brokerhoff: “When the first lesson, which lasts until 9 o’clock, has finished and the school bell has rung, they all storm outside to enjoy themselves with a ball or some other game or maybe to take a snack. A half hour break is always over too quickly for their taste; for when, a couple of minutes after half past nine, the bell calls them back into school, patience is needed until the last pupil is present.”[xliv] Another example, from Father Caudron, again in de Annals of the Sacred Heart: “You were standing chattering and cackling, calling and shouting: the last stroke of the bell sounded and in an instant all the noise stopped and you stood like drilled soldiers stock-still in the ranks. That was discipline!“[xlv]

2.1.2. The (school) timetable
As present in the sources as the element of discipline is the use of time, the division of the school day into blocks. The lesson times were regularly interrupted to relax, to go to mass or to eat but the actual lesson time was six hours: two times one and a half hours in the morning, and three hours in the afternoon. The ‘rhythm’ of the school day, the division into relatively short lesson units, was typical because it was assumed that the restricted attention span of the Congolese children had to be taken into account. This opinion was very widespread, so much so that even at the start of the 1950s the colonial educational administration distributed a note to all school directors, Recommendation for the establishment of daily timetables, in which rules were given for splitting up the school day.

It is recommended to take the following into account insofar as possible for school management:

1. Plan lessons that require more concentration in the morning and insofar as possible at the beginning of the day or after a break. Courses that require an intense intellectual effort from the pupils certainly differ according to the type of school; in any event it may be said that subjects relating to mathematics, writing, explained reading, grammar and systematic exercises in observation and speaking certainly belong to this category.
2. Avoid excessively long lessons (partly ineffective insofar as they exceed the attention span of the pupils) and lessons that are too short (for example in some subjects, like arithmetic, in which Congolese pupils are relatively slow).
3. If a subject only has two lessons available per week, avoid putting them on two consecutive days.
4. If studying a subject requires more than six lessons a week and if it is consequently necessary to put two courses of the same subject on the timetable on the same day, separate these two lessons with one or more subjects relating to a different subject area than that of the two lessons concerned.
5. If it is necessary to arrange more than two lessons consecutively that require considerable attention from the recipient, have the pupils take some short physical exercise to relax between the lessons (a few minutes of easy gymnastics or rhythmic or free walking, or singing or simply a free break).
6. Each time the morning lends itself to it, include practical work during the lesson itself.[xlvi]

Excerpt 4 – From the circular on drawing up timetables, Aequatoria Archive.

This circular raised the disgust of Frans Maes. He noted a number of remarks in the margin of the article that reflect his irritation well. Concerning the attention span: “Who will determine that?” About recreation: “As though distraction could suddenly stop!” And on the slowness of the Congolese children in arithmetic: “Not just them, South African blacks too.” His indignation was partly based on research that he had carried out himself into the speed of the African children in arithmetic exercises. As a result of this note he carried out a supplementary test with children at the HCB school in Flandria. In the different classes he did a Bourdon test with letters.[xlvii] From this he concluded that even half an hour of concentration was not too long for the children: “The best performance was even reached towards the end of the ½ hour; so tiredness could not be observed! (naturally, if the effort is not demanded too often per day: e.g. 2x as a maximum for such efforts, which are in fact never demanded in ordinary lessons, even in arithmetic!).“[xlviii]

He repeated these remarks in a letter that he wrote to Moentjens.[xlix] Maes again rather strongly criticised the education officials who had composed the memo: “These worthy advisors are very mild with their advice but applying it in practice mostly causes problems that they don’t seem to concern themselves with. They just transplant Belgian rules here, without any previous study. And just what sort of rules, too… they stink of old parchment and school grind, of the irresponsible system of ‘sticking together like oat ears and chaff’. They seem to be quite some specialists giving you advice such as ‘place … the lessons that need the most attention after a break.’ Just as if these boys could go in a minute from relaxation to effort just through willpower.” However, Maes was an exception, probably under the influence of his university training (he had studied education for two years before leaving for the Congo).

Other missionaries seemed to have accepted the popular prejudices about the Africans’ capacity for understanding. On this we can refer to the pronouncements quoted in chapter 4. Especially in girls’ education and for the Batswas these sorts of difficulties were mentioned. Vertenten wrote about the girls in Bamanya: “The education is very intuitive. The R. Sister explains herself well in Lonkundo, she lives for her class. That is the secret of her success, which is considerable, when we know how difficult it is to keep the attention of young native girls.”[l] However, according to him that applied just as much to the boys: “One has to make their classes interesting in all sorts of ways, treating the dry material briefly and clearly, one can ask a short period of attention from them. Sometimes five minutes is already too much; if some begin to stare into space, that is the moment to change the subject before their eyelids close.”[li] Later these sort of remarks disappeared for the most part from the discourse and references to the characteristics of the Congolese became more vague, at least in the context of the sources on school life.[lii] Hulstaert wrote somewhat more carefully about the Batswa in 1939: “The school curriculum is regularly followed so far as the subjects are concerned, still the pupils cannot follow the prepared division of the material. But this is not so important. We have to adapt ourselves to the lower state of development of the boys. Certainly, the desire for a free life and the memory of it play a certain role in the difficulties of bringing the Batswa to the level of the prescribed curriculum.”[liii]

Still, the timetable used continued to show the same characteristics throughout the colonial period, fitting in clearly with the old-fashioned rules. Only in the initial period a much less structured curriculum was used in a number of places. In the initial phase the school in Flandria only provided three classes, where a complete subject was taught first before the next one was begun. The children first learned reading and writing, then they learned arithmetic. In the first instance Hulstaert (who was then the head of school) blamed that on the poor material circumstances: “The lower course is mainly concerned with reading and writing, the two others mainly apply themselves to arithmetic, at differing degrees, you understand. We have not yet been able to introduce the regular application of the planned curriculum. The circumstances simply do not allow it.”[liv] Hardly half a year later, however, he remarked: “I will content myself simply by saying that the situation is generally the same as during the previous term. The only facts to be noted are that the lower class has started studying arithmetic after having perfected writing and reading written texts.”[lv] Apart from this, school days passed according to fixed and rhythmical changes of subjects. Later, too, such systems remained in vogue in many schools of the vicariate. The examples that are reported here show timetables respectively from the boys’ primary school in Wafanya (1930),[lvi] the rural primary school of Mpenjele near Bamanya (1941),[lvii] and the boys’ primary school in Bamanya (1954).[lviii]

In Wafanya in 1930, the school day only lasted for half a day, all together three hours and a half per day. The school day was divided into two blocks, one of an hour and a half and one of an hour and three-quarters. They were divided by a break of one quarter of an hour. The first block was divided into three periods, one of a quarter, one of three quarters and one of half an hour, which did contain different subjects, however. Only the first period of a quarter of an hour was always the same: religion (and religious history, but that was of course a very homogeneous package). The second block after the break had only two periods but was all in all much more fragmented. The first period was no less than an hour and a quarter long but in that the most diverse subjects were taught, sometimes three successively. The second period was then only half an hour long and contained one or two subjects.

In the rural school of Mpenjele the curriculum guide of 1941 provided four blocks of a maximum of 60 to 75 minutes. The central point was the morning, with two and a quarter hours of lessons. In the afternoon there was only teaching for an hour and forty minutes. Of this the last twenty minutes were spent singing. Most time was spent on the subjects religion (40 minutes every day) and reading (45 minutes every day). Sometimes a whole hour was spent on dictation, but not every day. The other subjects took up barely twenty minutes each. The agricultural activity before starting the real lessons lasted, in fact, the longest: an hour every day.

The timetable from Bamanya for the 1950s was much more complete, which shouldn’t be surprising considering the year and the place. Still, here too, a number of guiding principles can be observed that correspond in part with the principles used by the administration. The largest part of the ‘theoretical’ teaching material came first, in the morning. As always, this was headed by the most important part, religion. All together, this lasted less than two hours. Subsequently, there was a second ‘cluster’, in which no religious work was expected: gym, recreation and handicrafts. The afternoon consisted of two hours of lessons: a first, more theoretical hour, but here again the second half was devoted to ‘lighter’ material (singing and causeries). The second hour was again filled with physical work.

Wafanya 1930: boys’ primary school (original in French).

	8.00-8.15	8.15-9.00	9.00-9.30	9.45-11.00	11.00-11.30
Monday	religionreligious history	readingdictation	monetary and metric system	writingdrawing ornamentation French 1/4h.°	arithmetic
Tuesday	religionreligious history	writingcalligraphy	arithmetic	monetary metric system	readingdictation
Wednesday	religionreligious history	calligraphydictation French°	arithmetic	hygieneintuition the time wall charts	readingdictation
Thursday	religionreligious history	readingdictation	monetary metric system	writingcalligraphy	intuitiondrawing
Friday	religionreligious history	readingdictation	writingdrawing ornamentation	arithmeticFrench 1/4h.°	clock readingmonetary and metric system geography*

°1/4 of an hour French for the first year of the second grade.

*1/4 of an hour geography for the first year of the second grade.

—

Mpenjele 1941: primary school (original in Dutch).

08.00-09.00: agricultural work: manioc, peanuts, palm trees, etc.

09.00-09.40: religion

09.40-10.00: writing

10.00-10.15: playtime

10.15-11.00: reading

11.00-11.30: language, speaking

11.30-14.30: noon break

14.30-15.00: dictation

15.00-15.30: dictation or drawing

15.30-15.50: playtime

15.50-16.10: causerie – about plants, trees, objects, etc.

16.10-16.30: singing

—-

Bamanya 1954: first year primary school (original in French).

	Monday	Tuesday	Thursday	Friday		Wednesday	Saturday
8.00-8.30	religion	religion	religion	religion	8.00-8.30	religion	religion
8.30-9.00	reading	reading	reading	reading	8.30-9.10	reading	reading
9.00-9.20	cop. dict.	obs. eloc.	obs. eloc.	cop. dict.	9.10-9.40	obs. eloc.	recitation
9.20-9.50	arithmetic	arithmetic	metr. syst.	arithmetic	9.40-10.00	gymnastics	gymnastics
9.50-10.10	gymnastics	gymnastics	gymnastics	gymnastics	10.00-10.25	recreation	recreation
10.10-10.25	recreation	recreation	recreation	recreation	10.25-11.00	metr. syst.	arithmetic
10.25-11.30	agr. work.	man. work	agr. work	man. work	11.00-12.00	agr. work	drawing
					agr. work = agricultural work
14.00-14.30	reading	arithmetic	arithmetic	reading	man. work = manual work
14.30-15.00	singing	hygiene	singing	causerie	cop. dict. = copying & dictation?
15.00-16.00	man. work	agr. work	man work.	agr. work	obs. eloc.= observation & elocution?

Extract 5 – School timetables applicable at three different places and times. From Aequatoria Archive.
2.2. The rhythm of the lessons: reprise

The emphasis on rhythm and regularity is strongly evident in the lessons themselves. References to repetition, and to repetitive patterns, are legion. In 1939, Henri Adriaensen wrote: “Next door in the school the boys drone out their reading lesson together.” (…) “How quiet the mission is now. In the distance I hear boys singing songs in the school. Every afternoon they do that for the last quarter of an hour.”[lix] De Rop in 1947, about the mission of Imbonga: “14.00 h.: after the midday break: just go to check whether everybody’s at his place and if the school boys are back in the class. Yes, they are there, I can already hear the droning of the lessons.”[lx] Here in 1957 again, about the school in Bamanya: “The roof of the teacher training college shines in the sun. In one class the lesson is being repeated aloud. A moniteur taps his pointer on the board or on his lectern.”[lxi]

In the classroom itself, and in the context of the teaching activity, repetition was not only a means to discipline, but also an educational principle. There was a lot of repetition, both by the missionaries themselves and by the teachers. Many courses were partially repeated during the school year but this principle was also used when learning new subjects: “Repetition must really never be neglected, especially in subjects of general education, such as arithmetic, language, science. Not only should one repeat from time to time some part of the material to be taught but also in the meantime (in new subjects too) one should make use of favourable opportunity – just for a few moments – to come back to some point or another.”[lxii] This repetition, Hulstaert thought, was necessary to bring the pupils to a good understanding of the material to be learned. If it were to go too fast, they would not be able to keep up. This was, in fact, one of the more pedagogically directed points of criticism that he formulated with reference to the education by the Brothers of the Christian Schools in Bamanya: “We must make a few general remarks concerning the curriculum. We have been following what is common at the school in Tumba. However, this institution has 6 years of primary school. Consequently they are obliged to force the execution of the curriculum, especially for arithmetic. This situation is not beneficial to a good understanding of the subject matter and prevent it from entering into the pupils’ minds properly.“[lxiii] The school in Bamanya only had 5 school years and therefore work had to be done more quickly and there could be less repetition.

In his report about the Batswa school in Flandria, a few years later, he emphasised repetition once again: “Repetition of what has been seen earlier must be done regularly; otherwise the connection would be lost. The more often this is done the better. This is especially important in arithmetic and language. The metric system should be reviewed carefully in all classes because the foundations are lacking. The subjects of the 4 principal calculation operations also need to be revised, since they form the key to further arithmetic education and without this knowledge and those concepts one is left hanging. The boys will not, then, be able to enjoy arithmetic. The same thing applies, mutatis mutandis, for language teaching.”[lxiv] A few years later he came back to this again in his discussion of the girls’ school in Bamanya: “In general a lot needs to be repeated and improved if one wants to bring the highest class up to a certain level.”[lxv] He did, however, make a clear distinction between repeating material and the slavish repetition of things that had been learned. In an inspection report from 1944 he observed: “Right down to the lowest classes it is a joy to hear the children explaining Bible stories, for example, in a way that shows they understand what they are saying: it is something quite different from the slavish repetition which one sometimes hears in other schools.“[lxvi]

That slavish repetition was, however, very present in education, which is apparent from several remarks. Vertenten wrote in 1930: “For arithmetic the results still leave much to be desired. The children do not understand the problems they solve without fault but automatically and without having properly understood them.”[lxvii] Hulstaert himself remarked on it repeatedly. In a report about the girls’ school in Bamanya, in 1936, he wrote: “It is undoubtedly a model school. The Reverend Sister is completely dedicated to her children and is a sound teacher. The curriculum is completely adapted to the mentality and the level of development of the pupils. No bluff, no stuffing memories but a constant striving to make the lessons as practical as possible, to weave them into the thought processes and the emotional life of the children, in a word to stretch them to a real development of spirit and heart.“[lxviii] Too much memorising was also one of the things he accused the Brothers of. In 1944 he stated in his report about the boys’ primary school in Bamanya that in all subjects, there was far too much call on the memory, which was not good for conceptual understanding.[lxix] In the 1950s it was also regularly remarked, particularly in the little bush schools, that too much was memorised and that there was too much automatism in the manner of teaching. In the writing lessons too much was copied and in the reading lessons too much was automatically droned out.[lxx] Moentjens gave the following advice in a report from 1951 to one of the teachers in Flandria: “With the 2nd year the moniteur must also avoid reading-by-heart, especially by getting the weaker elements to spell the syllables and even the letters.”[lxxi] The same defect was also later commented on, both in well-established as well as in newly founded schools.[lxxii]

If the lessons were too repetitive in a number of cases there were undoubtedly various reasons for this. Sometimes the material circumstances of education favoured memory work and repetition. It was remarked in this regard in 1956 that writing was difficult in the rural school of Beambo. The pupils had no school desks and they had to hold their notebooks on their knees. In another case, the entire Lonkundo lesson was copied on the board. The teacher himself had no textbook, he had to go and borrow one from a colleague. The pupils themselves had no book. Other missionaries remarked that it was characteristic of the Congolese that they could work well with their memory and following that insight ‘repetitive methods’ were therefore often used. Sister Auxilia, who was greatly appreciated by Hulstaert, also used repetition methods in Bamanya. To her own account, she tried to get more out of that. In the biblical history lessons she started with using the wall pictures but: “Great importance is given to lively, though unaffected retelling of the lessons. 4th and 5th also reproduce the lessons in written form, with the help of questions.” Further, songs were also learned by heart. The pupils had to write down the text by heart, whereby starting points for causeries were identified, according to the Sister.[lxxiii]

Transmitting the teaching material
3.1. Teaching by observation
In several inspection reports the emphasis was strongly laid on the necessity of a more demonstrative education. Particularly Hulstaert used the term rather often: “Another remark should be made about arithmetic: this subject should be made more demonstrative, especially in the lower classes, and with more variety (abacus alone for example is not sufficient). In different classes this defect is noticeable, especially in insufficient understanding of division, of fractions, and of the metric system. It is therefore to be recommended that these points should be covered properly, preferably from the beginning, and more graphically.”[lxxiv] There was not a lot of theory behind this. People especially wanted to use a more concrete method because observation was considered better for stimulating the understanding of the pupils than a purely theoretical form of education. From the tone of the inspection reports it can be inferred that an observation based method was not prevalent always and everywhere: “The school runs quite regularly. The courses are given carefully and following a method. Nevertheless, it is often necessary to monitor the native moniteurs closely. These, in fact, easily forget to use the method during their lessons which was taught to them and of which they are continually reminded by the Brother Headmaster.“[lxxv] Hulstaert also noted that elsewhere. In Bamanya the principle was, according to him, used correctly in the teaching of agriculture. For example, the use of native fertiliser could be demonstrated well in the experimental gardens: “However, it would really be useful if the boys could try some real tests in the direction of improving cultivation. It must also be ensured that the boys learn to save seed for the next planting season; that is a point of educational value.[lxxvi]

He also thought that giving concrete examples in other subjects should be taken up. Practical applicability was used strongly as a criterion: “For the lessons in hygiene, the same method could be further developed, so the value would be increased. Br. Florent, for example, would certainly like to do that. In lessons about mosquitoes, for example, useful tests could be done; you could add: tracking down breeding grounds, pest control and so forth. In Bamanya this will also be useful from a practical point of view.”[lxxvii] He repeatedly hammered the point home of the necessity of more ‘illustration’: “It is further to be expected that especially the boys in the lower classes should get more graphical education in arithmetic. There should in fact be no calculation at all done without everybody doing it using their fingers or having objects before their eyes. The same goes for the metric system.”[lxxviii] Later he broadened his argument to all the teaching material: “For all subjects the illustrative method could in fact be used more. The pupils could be interested in this. And with a people that are strongly under the influence of superstition that is doubly useful.”[lxxix]

In 1941 he further defined what he meant exactly by that. The director of the school in Flandria had said the level of lower classes was too low because of the lack of preparation by the teachers. Hulstaert agreed with that and advocated better preparation in general. He also saw another means for improving performance: “If it does not improve in spite of that, then other causes must be sought and it must be considered whether the initial education needs to be better adapted. I think that, in this sense, particularly your school needs to work on modern methods used in Europe: globality, concreteness, better adaptation to the intuitive nature of your pupils, and so on. Sister Imberta should know about these work methods and it would be good if she could look in that direction.”[lxxx] A couple of years earlier he said something similar about the school in Flandria: “They give a lot of time to singing, games handicrafts, etc. that are attractive to the children yet still educational.”[lxxxi] These pronouncements seem at first sight to contradict the attitude of Hulstaert as it was described earlier. What he called ‘modern methods’ were the elements of the New School movement (the global reading method, for example) that could fit into his indigenistic point of view. It is probably not a coincidence that he used these terms in a letter that, according to Vinck, was written at the time that he became aware of certain educational studies. Apart from this it also shows that Hulstaert in his function of inspector thought that methods used in class were not concrete enough.

In the kindergartens of the vicariate the Sisters already worked regularly according to ‘modern’ principles. According to Hulstaert they used the Fröbel method in Flandria, but it is difficult to discover what that consisted of exactly: “A lot of attention, sense, observation exercises, etc. were done. A little in primary education, too. This last is kept to a strict minimum and is used only insofar as it helps the Fröbel education method.” In the same report Hulstaert also made a number of suggestions, which implies that these things had not been done previously. In âprticular, he quite strongly emphasised the use of native games, songs and verses.[lxxxii] Elsewhere there was talk of a Montessori school: it was mentioned incidentally in an article about the mission post of Mondombe. Again, here it was a Sister, Imelda, who was leading the educational project. The only other thing that was said about the school was that the children did a dance in good order and discipline for the Father who was visiting the village.

3.2. Visual material
The administration also stimulated schools to use visual material. In 1940 a competition was set up for designing wall posters, in the context of the lessons on hygiene. The purpose was to develop two series of wall posters on the basis of which lessons could be given, with the cooperation of the teaching staff everywhere in the colony. The first series should illustrate ‘cleanliness’ in its differing facets (propreté du corps, propreté de la maison, propreté du linge, le repas familial, le village bien entretenu, …)[lxxxiii], the second series must contain information on the tsetse fly, first aid in the case of cuts and wounds and on alcoholism and abstinence.[lxxxiv] That principle was also applied again later, in the context of agriculture, which experienced a revival in the early 1950s. In the context of the policy of paysannats there was an attempt to combat the exodus from the land and agriculture was promoted again, more than ever, to the Congolese population.[lxxxv] Education played its role in this; the mission inspectors were mobilised. Moentjens recommended the propaganda material from the administration in a circular to the mission superiors. It would be useful as an educational aid in the theoretical agriculture lessons: “I have the honour of sending you, in a separate package, 6 posters intended as agricultural propaganda. These posters are published for promoting the appreciation of agriculture among the population, especially among young people currently in school, who are all too inclined to turn away from agriculture. They offer the best instructional material when discussing causeries on that subject.”[lxxxvi]

Other types of wall posters were also very sought after. Especially in the context of religious education this was a regularly used teaching tool. The Sisters in Bamanya used wall posters from Speybroeck – Bonne Presse in the 1930s for the lessons in biblical history.[lxxxvii] Hulstaert also noted it in 1939 in the inspection report of the Batswa school in Flandria: “In the same sense more use could be made of the posters in religious education. The Spanish text of the existing posters could be translated into Lonkundo.“[lxxxviii] The precise manner in which the posters were used is not apparent from the pieces in the archives.

In some inspection reports from the early 1950s there is an allusion to their use: “In addition the lesson is illustrated with a picture representing J.C. attached to the scourging post. The moniteur should have used it more and his lesson would have been even more interesting.“[lxxxix] And: “Third year: catechism lesson on the readministering of baptism. The text is well written on the board. The lesson started with an explanation of a picture representing the baptism of Jesus where the pupils had to try to recognise the various people. Afterwards we continued learning the text and its explanation.”[xc] Stéphane Boale, who was at school in the same period in Bokote, spoke in similar terms about the use of the wall pictures: “There were images for all the subjects. For example, imagine you were giving a lesson on Adam and Eve. Do not think they did not have illustrations to accompany this lesson! For everything, no matter what subject, if you were talking about anatomy, hygiene, religion. First of all, there was an intuitive lesson. Firstly one asked what could be seen and then the pupils would talk about everything they could see and the explanation of the illustrations would only follow afterwards.“[xci]

Sometimes the use of more ‘visual’ methods came from material necessity. In this way the mission inspector advised the reading lessons to be written on the board in extenso in the girls’ school in Flandria because there were not enough reading books to let everyone follow at the same time.[xcii] That this in its turn would give rise to memory work had been mentioned earlier. However, it could be done differently. In the same school, inspector Moentjens praised the reading methods of the teacher a few years later: “1^st year Lonkundo reading lesson: this is written on the board and always is explained well first, that is to say, the teacher asks the pupils for the meaning, explains it further and shows the application of every word in one or several sentences. This seems to me to be a very good method of education. Finally the reading on the board is taken up.”[xciii]

In a number of cases teachers went a step further in this illustrative aspect. At the boys’ school in Bamanya bible scenes were played out during religion lessons from 1937 onwards. Probably they were a sort of tableaux vivants, in which the moniteur played a role as well. Hulstaert thought that a very positive development: “They not only go down very well with the pupils; but make it possible to get more into the studied subject better and improve their way of expressing their feelings (sic), which we try hard to make more dignified while preserving their character of natural native. These attempts are done in all classes but they are the most advanced in the lower class under the direction of the moniteur BOMPOSO Antoine.”[xciv] In a number of schools this was in fact carried out outside the actual hours of lessons. In time they began to put on real plays. These performances almost always had a religious content and were frequently commentated on in the publications of the MSC. After all, they were excellent proof of what could be achieved with young Congolese. At the same time the missionaries wanted to show in this way that they had respect for the local culture.

Contents of the lessons
4.1. Examples
Finding an example of concrete lesson content is not straightforward. The inspection reports do describe the performance and attitude of the teachers and sometimes also the names of the topics dealt with but the way in which the teaching material was put across was seldom put on paper. Highly exceptional, in that context, are a few example lessons, which can be found in the Aequatoria Archive. These are only two short notes written in 1936 by Petrus Vertenten. They were almost certainly used by the moniteurs, probably for a few years. Hulstaert succeeded Vertenten as inspector and he referred to the use of the term “décimes” for a tenth of a Franc in a report. This term was, in the context of units of currency, rather unusual but Vertenten did use it in the example lesson shown here. Therefore, it is probable that this example lesson was actually used in the class. Whether the rigorous work methods, which Vertenten described, were applied to the same extent is more difficult to discover. Hulstaert made no comments on Vertenten’s methods. That is unsurprising, for these example lessons started from a concrete situation and it was a school example of learning by repetition.[xcv] Starting with a concrete question (“how much is seven times five centimes?”), an explanation was given of how the franc was divided up (the concepts “centime” – one-hundredth of a franc – and “décime” – one tenth of a franc), which differed from the division the Congolese used. The notation was explained in detail. The operations ‘division’ and ‘multiplication’ were illustrated, coupled to each other, and this in both directions.

Vertenten also gave practical tips for the religion lesson but in this case there was no detailed example lesson as for the subject ‘arithmetic’. More general rules were given to the moniteurs. Again here the principle of repetition was present: as much as could be done, certain points had to be raised again and again. It had elements of project learning, with the understanding that these projects were essentially religious or moral in nature. The example lesson itself was no more than a summing up of religious rules. Vertenten only gave a few pedagogical rules in a nutshell at the beginning of the lesson. It was very clear from these to what degree the religious element was a decisive element within education and how in practice this pushed the educational element sensu stricto into the background.

—
Arithmetic lesson: End first year second grade.

Write or make them write on the board the value of 7 coins of 5 centimes.
Show the 7 coins
Test the pupils
Praise the one that succeeds in writing down this value
1 lièke: 5 centimes are a 20^th of a franc. 1/20 of a fr. equals 5 centimes.
What’s a centime?
It’s a hundredth of a franc.
Show ONE CENTIME 1/100 of a fr. 1: 100 = 1/100
Expressed in francs one centime is ZERO francs 0,
One centime is not a tenth of a franc either, which is called decimal = ten centimes or one LIKOTA.
Show a centimes coin, show the inscription.
So one lièke or 5 centimes is not one franc:    fl: 0.

”                                                          a tenth:            fl: 0.0

You write the units, the tens, hundreds, thousands without the decimal point and before the decimal point.
After the decimal point you write the tenths and hundredths (décimes and centimes)
in our DECIMAL system you NEVER write
either the HALVES/DEMIS (menya)
or the FIFTHS
or the TWENTIETHS but we express the value in tenths or hundredths.
In the monetary system we express the DEMIS or MENYA, the FIFTHS and the TWENTIETHS in décimes or in centimes.

So:       ONE centime or one hundredth part of the franc is written as follows:
falanga 0, décime 0, centime 1 :           fl. 0.01
One lièke or 5 centimes is written      :           fl. 0.05
One lièke is a twentieth of a franc. Five centimes is a twentieth of 100 centimes (1 fr.) 1/20 of a franc (bya falanga).
We can thus divide one franc among 20 people and each will have a twentieth of a franc or FIVE CENTIMES.
Let’s try the division:
1 : 20   impossible to give everyone 1 fr.
so        1 : 20 = 0,
we will change the franc in BAKOTA or DECIMES: tenths:
10 décimes: 20. Impossible to give everyone one LIKOTA
10 décimes: 20 = 0.0 (fl. zero, décime 0.)
we exchange the décimes into centimes
100 centimes divided by 20 equals: 5 centimes
20 times 5 centimes equals 100 centimes
santime 5 bekola 20 wete SANTIMES 100

But the above problem requires writing the value of SEVEN bayèkè, of SEVEN coins of 5
centimes.
When you have 7 coins of 5 centimes you have 7 times 5 centimes
In Lonkundo this is said as follows: (5 centimes SEVEN times)
SANTIME ITANO bekola 7: santimes 35
this value equals: falanga 0, décimes 3 = fl. 0.3 or 30 centimes
falanga 0.30 and 5 centimes = fl. 0.35
3 décimes = 6 coins of 5 centimes or 6 x 5 = 30 centimes
in LONKUNDO 5 x 6 = santime 30
the value of 7 coins of 5 centimes is written as follows: fl. 0.35
fl. 0.05 + fl. 0.05 + fl. 0.05 + fl. 0.05 + fl. 0.05 + fl. 0.05 + fl. 0.05
= fl. 0.35
35 centimes divided by 7 (between 7 comrades) = 5 centimes
fl. 0.35 : 7 = fl. 0.05
——————
How many coins of 5 centimes do you add in order to obtain the value of ONE FRANC?
To get ONE FRANC you need 20 coins of 5 centimes
we already have 7. So we still need 20 – 7 = 13
centimes itano bekola jum l’esato wete centimes 65
35 centimes plus 65 centimes = 100 centimes = 1 franc
fl. 0.35 + fl. 0.65 = fl. 1.00
etc. etc.
always request the complete deduction
——————–
argue/explain the tables of multiplication:
in Lonkundo: 9 x 7 = 7 x 9 = (7×10) – 7 = 63
———————
always argue/explain the problem,
do not allow steps to be left out,
make them think.
—
Daily conversation/chat (a few minutes only)
about charity
Every day we will give one of its points,
we will come back to it later during the day,
especially if a practical application has to be done.
We can get back to it when doing a dictation.
We will question one child on the point mentioned earlier.
Sometimes we will write on the blackboard or make him write.
We are not at all limited to these texts,
the best model lesson cannot replace the initiative.
—
But the pedagogy teaches us that you should teach children to respect by respecting the others,
politeness is the flower of charity.
More than anything this little chat should be usual practice

Excerpt 6 – Example lessons by Petrus Vertenten (1936). from Aequatoria Archive.

4.2. The moniteurs in action 
Most information on the progress of the lesson was therefore contained in a number of descriptions, which were given by the mission inspectors in their inspection reports. The contents of these reports certainly evolved over time. The reports of such travelling Fathers as Jans and Moeyens were more summary and did not give much more than an evaluation. Those of Petrus Vertenten, although somewhat more detailed, also do not contain much concrete information on the lesson content. From time to time Hulstaert (from 1937 to 1946), and certainly Moentjens (from 1950 to 1959), actually went more deeply into a number of concrete problems. Hulstaert was a technician and clearly ‘short-sighted’ because of that. What I mean to say by this is that he paid great attention to well-defined problems, such as spoken language, and as a result these problems occurred more frequently and were considered in more depth. He seldom focussed in detail on the teaching method or the content of a lesson. Whenever he did, it remained in general terms and rather synthetic. In contrast a number of reports survive from Gaston Moentjens which consider a number of lessons in more depth. These are reports he made in the early 1950s about the primary school and teacher training college in Bamanya. That also entails that it doesn’t just give an insight into the primary school but also into training teachers who would themselves be standing in front of the class in future years.

Beside the inspections by the mission inspectors there were naturally also those of the state inspectors. In fact very few of the reports on the Catholic schools in their vicariate have survived. The following paragraphs are therefore grouped around periods in which Hulstaert and Moentjens were active as inspectors. The reports of the state inspectors were also quoted, insofar as useful information could be found in them. In any case, this information was mostly restricted to the teachers and very seldom concerned the pupils themselves. They do contain some evidence of a number of teaching practices. That is why they are so important. The descriptions of these practices were, however, strongly coloured by the ‘evaluating’ eye of the inspectors, in general with a rather ambiguous attitude towards the abilities of the Congolese teachers. Some people, including Vertenten, said, for example, that initiative from the moniteurs was welcome, but in reality the missionaries often reacted in a very aloof and equivocal manner to the contribution of the Congolese teachers.

4.2.1. Under Hulstaert’s supervision
Hulstaert’s reactions also seem to show some ambivalence: “With the current moniteurs there has been a great improvement in order in the class, in less wasted time, in improved preparation. In some subjects there is still a lack, yet that is due to the insufficient training of the teachers.”[xcvi] A few lines earlier he had remarked that the greatest change for that year was that every class now had a qualified teacher. It certainly indicates that the level of the training of teaching assistants, even in the view of those directly involved, was not rated very highly. “Arithmetic and language are poor; there is too little thought put into them. The same must be said of the explanation of the catechism and biblical history, which could also be better. The text is, in fact, well-known except for a few small errors (including the definition of the divine virtues, where attention was not paid to the subjunctive form, instead the normal form was used).”[xcvii]

Another remark by Hulstaert was more important: “The general problem of the moniteur paying too much attention to particular boys and neglecting the others somewhat is also present here and people work continually to improve this.”[xcviii] In older reports (from the end of the 1920s) this remark was also made but this quotation shows that ten years later it was still a frequently occurring phenomenon. In any case, there were large differences from one class to another. It seems almost impossible to bring everything together in one general picture. In the school of Mondombe, a somewhat smaller and more isolated mission post, there were different classes. The impressions that the inspector wrote down in his report on these classes vary from somewhat approving to very concerned. He wrote about a number of classes: “Application is good; there is a lot of absenteeism.” About other classes he remarked: “Order and discipline leave a lot to be desired, there are not many absentees and it should be remedied energetically.“[xcix] In the rural school of Mpenjele there were also great contrasts between the teachers.

In fact, the missionaries did not trust the teachers completely. The attitude they had towards Africans in general was just as much present in the class. The moniteurs had to be checked and that is apparent from many remarks made in the inspection reports: “Good, without supervision there is a risk, that he talks too much himself in the explanation of the lessons and neglects letting the children work themselves by using questions.“[c] “The girls’ school is under the leadership of Sister Auxilia. She is helped by 4 monitrices who are very satisfactory. More important or more difficult subjects are given by the Reverend Sister herself.”[ci] Until the 1950s, remarks of this sort were made: “Undoubtedly the results achieved can still be improved noticeably, e.g. by getting the teachers who otherwise are very diligent and dedicated, to give more careful preparation, with the guidance and assistance of the Rev. Fr Headmaster. For the moment the moniteurs seem to be left rather too much to their own fate and initiative.”[cii] The fact that it was thought that the teachers were too much left to their own devices naturally says more about the trust that was put in them than about their own qualities. It especially shows that the missionaries themselves were mostly not closely involved de facto with the pupils and the actual education.

According to the provincial inspector Vanmeerbeeck the general level of girls’ education was pitiful. That was due to the total lack of expert female teachers. He remarked on that in 1947, on the occasion of the inspection of the school in Bamanya. However, it was, he thought, a general phenomenon: “As in all the schools for native girls inspected or visited until now, the inability and ephemeral character of the native teaching assistants seems to be an almost insoluble problem. From the 1st to the 4th primary years, the same inadequacy is mentioned in knowledge of the subject to be taught, the same lack of life, of teaching talent, the same mechanical nature of the lessons, the same constant appeal solely to memory.”[ciii] In the concrete case of Bamanya, Vanmeerbeeck’s report resulted in Father Wauters, who was responsible for the school, replacing the teachers by more qualified ones.[civ]

The contrast between Vanmeerbeeck’s words and the commentary of the mission inspector on the same school, a year earlier, was striking. Cobbaut had said in his report: “What is especially noticeable here is the teaching method: it is not mechanical repetition or learning by heart but a lively, practical, instructive education. One immediately feels the masterly hand of the Reverend Sister Auxilia, who does not have as much time as she would in reality like to give to the school.”[cv] However, the difference between both inspection reports was considerable. Vanmeerbeeck wrote a rather detailed report of five pages, in which he went further into different details. Cobbaut on the other hand found a single page sufficient and wrote no more than the remarks quoted here concerning the primary school. Hulstaert had also been more positive in his inspection report from 1944, though not without exception. He did write that the lessons were given well, but attributed the good progress much more to the headmistress, Sister Auxilia, than to the monitrices. Firstly, he noted the large turnover of female teachers (see chapter 5). Secondly, he ended his report with the remark: “Especially with our monitrices it is indispensable that both preparation and control are carefully done if one wants to achieve anything. And for more in-depth education one relies completely on the Sister.”[cvi]

There was really very little information given on the concrete behaviour of the pupils, apart from the disciplinary aspect. A number of remarks can be found on the manner in which they learnt to write. In the boys’ school in Bamanya pupils made too many mistakes, Hulstaert stated in a report from 1942: “A lot of mistakes are still being made when writing in the mother tongue and the moniteurs themselves are not always competent enough to avoid this or correct them. F. Ipoma and A. Bongeli should pay particular attention to that. We must really demand that the teachers should write in their own language without faults.”[cvii] In the girls’ school, too, he had already pointed out: “The monitrices must still pay attention to the attitudes of the children, particularly during writing. They should also learn the sensible and handy use of blotting paper and to turn over the pages of their books carefully.”[cviii] Also, in the school of the Brothers he asked that attention be paid to the attitude of the pupils: “A comment to be made: the pupils’ attitude leaves much to be desired in some classes, particularly during writing. I must add that the poorly adapted desks are the cause for the faulty attitude of many. Also, the moniteurs must continually correct their pupils, which is very difficult for the native, who gets tired easily if the effect is not immediate.”[cix]

4.2.2. The reports of the 1950s
On primary education
In a first report from 1950, on the boys’ primary school, Moentjens especially mentioned a number of aspects of the curriculum. He paid particular attention to the teachers and the way in which they taught their lessons. There is very little about the pupils and what they had to do in these reports. Still, this report shows a number of interesting elements that reflect the way the class operated .

In the first year the inspector followed a religion lesson, in which a student from the teacher training college gave a lesson to the pupils on remission of sins. Using an example from daily life it was described how this concept was connected, in the Catholic religion, with the life of Jesus Christ. Illustrative material was used in the form of a picture of “Our Lord on the cross”, being scourged. Obviously, the illustration was not really used to the full; the missionary thought in any event that the lesson would have been improved if that had been the case. He made a similar remark again in the next year on the religion lesson in the third year: “The moniteur did not explain the religious picture which should have served to illustrate his lesson and he did not talk enough about the Holy Mass.”[cx] Positive points, according to the inspector, were that the teacher in spe asked the pupils a lot of questions and in this way was ‘stimulating’. In the arithmetic lesson use was again made of lemons, with which the pupils in the front of the class had to illustrate their exercises. Although order and discipline (here again expressly mentioned) were good, Moentjens noticed that the teacher only concerned himself with the pupils at the desks at the front of the class.

Considerably less information was given about the higher years, with the exception of the fifth year. The inspector went into great detail about the religion lesson, so there was not much space left over for other subjects: “The religion lesson which he gave on the fourth Commandment of God was truly well taught. He considered God’s authority, parents and all other persons invested with authority and considered more or less in depth the reasons for the authority enjoyed by the parents and other superiors. Also considering the fifth Commandment he gave the pupils a glimpse of the fundamental principle on which brotherly love is based and as he progressed he based his lesson on examples from the Old and New Testament which he illustrated using pictures from the holy book. His drawing lesson was less successful. After spending too long considering the structure and function of the leaf he proceeded to the drawing itself without having properly explained how to proceed.” In the sixth year the lesson was given by a Brother. The performance of the pupils was positively evaluated by the inspector but the teacher was given some advice: not so fast and do not talk so monotonously.[cxi]

In his evaluation Moentjens gave a general impression of education in the school. This was good but he expressly referred to the supervision and efforts of the Brothers, who made sure that the teachers functioned well in their class. “Bamanya has without doubt good moniteurs but on the other hand it is thanks to the constant surveillance and stimulation of the Fr. Headmaster that they accomplish their tasks so well and that they teach so carefully. It is known elsewhere that at Bamanya moniteurs and pupils are very ‘responsible’.”[cxii] Moentjens undoubtedly meant that a relatively strong authority was exercised over both groups. That the authority of the missionaries was not at that time as unaffected as it would appear from his words has already been clearly shown by the references to the sometimes rebellious behaviour of the pupils.

The fact that, according to the mission inspector, the missionaries (even if in this case they were Brothers) had the greatest share in the success of the education is very significant. It shows the point of view from which education was discussed. If possible that is made even clearer when these remarks are compared to those Moentjens made in the same year about the teacher training college. He formulated a number of considerations ‘of an educational nature’. Obviously the state inspector, Verhelst, had drawn the attention of the Brothers to the fact that more attention should be paid to educational subjects in the teacher training college. Verhelst had based this on a circular from the vice-governor general. Moentjens put this matter into perspective in the conclusion of his report: “According to the terms of the letter from the Vice-Governor General, the instructions given in it in this regard are only given as an ‘indication’; in the text it says ‘he had advised’ which contrasts with the imperative tone that Mr Verhelst seems to want to give it. Moreover, in my opinion the part the Vice-Governor General wanted to see reserved for educational theory in the 3^rd year of teacher training college is exaggerated. Where would there be time left for the other sections of the curriculum if the educational theory course on its own has to be given 2 hours a day? Consequently, I consider 6 to 7 hours a week should be more than sufficient for this subject, at least if one does not want to sacrifice a good part of the general education.” This attitude is strongly reminiscent of the conflict between Van Linden and Eloye, reported in the previous chapter. Van Linden was “accused” of regarding the rules of the administration as incidental.

Still, Moentjens had to observe that the results of education were not completely satisfactory. This could not really be blamed on the Brothers, for they showed ‘boundless’ dedication. On the contrary, perhaps they even went too far in this and grossly over-estimated the abilities of the Congolese. Particularly education in French was reaching too high. “It is said that once entered into the realm of higher education (very relatively higher) the intelligence of the blacks is inclined to close up and their capacity for intellectual assimilation goes numb. Perhaps it is because the teaching is given in French. For this reason I would like to advise the Rev. Frs. Masters to take this into account and insofar as possible to use simple and clear language and to give their lessons rather slowly and without precipitation as I saw another time. I would like to add that at this time and according to the extent of their abilities they should also remind the pupils of the notions and terms in Lonkundo for the things they are learning, as it is in this language, their native language, that they will have to teach later.”[cxiii]

In the light of the things that were going on at that time between teachers and pupils, this statement sounds somewhat strange. It probably shows that there were a number of things the missionaries knew nothing about at that time. The French lessons referred to by Jean Boimbo show that reality was really seen in a radically different way by the missionaries and the Congolese. The following example of the practical educational lesson, on keeping school registers and calculating average attendance, should be considered from the same point of view: “The Rev. Brother gives a short explanation of the number of school days per month, then he gives the rule as it is established (sic) by the department of education and according to which the total number of school days in the month and the average attendance in the month and over many months together should be calculated. At the same time he illustrates the rule well using a concrete example. Afterwards he explains how one should proceed to find the average attendance for two, three, four months in total and so on. The pupils have to do numerous practical exercises in order to become accustomed to the system.” In his conclusions Moentjens returned to this in considerable detail. He thought it was a scandal that in a school such as in Bamanya hardly any moniteurs were able to do this. The cause, he thought, was in the excessively theoretical character of educational training. What precisely that ‘too theoretical’ educational training may have been cannot be seen clearly from the documents available in the archives.

At the teacher training college
The lessons of the teacher training college that Moentjens reproduced in his report seem rather practical. As, for example, the writing lesson in which the Brother first demonstrated what had to be done. The lesson developed in several stages: a general explanation on the organisation of the letters of the alphabet, then the educational principle to be applied (in this case: the easiest group of letters should be taught first). Then the writing rules for the specific group were explained and the letters were written on the board. After the explanation from the Brother it was the students’ turn. In groups of six they had to come and give the same lesson on the board. Moentjens also reported a so-called ‘didactic lesson’. This was a reading lesson, in which one of the students had to act as the teacher and his fellow students had to play the pupils. Apart from any critical considerations on the teaching method, the typical course of such a lesson can be seen from the text. First the teacher briefly reviewed the previous lesson. Then he read out the entire new piece of text aloud. The best pupils then each had to read out a sentence. Finally, the whole class read the whole text collectively.

In the lessons given in the highest year, rhythm and observation/demonstration (working on the board) also return as primary elements: “The application is realised without effective control and even without the possibility of proper control because no rhythm is given to the application.” And: “A lesson in Lonkundo grammar in the 4^th year by the pupil moniteur Mboyo Antoine. Faults: writing on the board could have been better i.e. tidier; the moniteur only gave one example on the board while 2 or 3 would have been better; the examples asked from the pupils were only given orally, while it would have been preferable and more beneficial to have the pupils come to the board and write the examples they thought they had found. For the rest it was a good lesson.” Moentjens seemed to be much more concerned about deviations from the prescribed rules. The teacher who dared to do that was really going off the rails, as can be seen from this following passage: “Capital fault: The moniteur deviates from the kilogram which should have been the subject of the lesson, as well in his written preparation, and the teacher or the Very Rev. Fr. Headmaster should have seen and corrected this in advance, as during his lesson itself; thus he deviates from that which should be taught!“[cxiv]

Naturally, it is not illogical to think that a lesson given in the presence of the inspector did not follow the pattern of other lessons completely. It may be supposed that both the teachers and students tried to do better than usual. In the light of this it is probably interesting to look for certain remarks of the inspector, which at least allow us to formulate a number of hypotheses about the normal course of events. At the first reading by the teacher, Moentjens remarked: “He reads the model piece for today, without always having the correct tone, not raising his eyes at any point to see whether the pupils were following.” During group reading the moniteur made a remark that was very much appreciated by the inspector: “In the middle of the first paragraph, which was however not so long, he had the entire class repeat what had just been read. Here he made the very correct remark concerning avoiding chanted reading.” It indicates that this all happened too frequently for Moentjens liking. Immediately afterwards a somewhat contradictory consideration followed on the subject of the rhythm of the reading lesson: “Afterwards he had the entire piece read simultaneously, which did not succeed very well because it did not have sufficient rhythm.” From a number of considerations it could be inferred that the moniteurs did not teach in a very structured way under unsupervised circumstances: “Here he explained what the section contained, which he should have done first or after his model reading as he should have made the reading more comprehensible and more attractive in this way. The moniteur did not correct poor pronunciation at any time, poor connection or a jerky reading although his fellow students gave him many opportunities to do so.”

The same can also be inferred from some descriptions of more practical lessons, such as traditional work or working on the land. In the first case the inspector seemed to have surprised the students: “The lesson had started without the assistance of the Ref. Fr. Master or the Very Rev. Fr. Headmaster. On my arrival with the Rev. Fr. Master the explanation has finished and the pupils are busy with the tasks the elected pupil-moniteur has given to a small group of pupils, then he turns to the others who he is checking and to whom he gives useful instructions. A few other pupil-moniteurs assist him in this task of supervision and guidance, but two others are seated and are looking rather disinterestedly while the moniteur in charge is standing with a group of pupils and another pupil-moniteur is helping them carry out their work, making a type of earthenware carafe. All of them, including the head moniteur and the other pupil-moniteurs present would do useful work if they would lend a hand to their colleagues in such lessons.” Also in the work in the fields things did not seem to proceed in a very structured way, despite the presence of the inspector: “Two other pupil-moniteurs, with a few of their fellow students, went to the school fields instead of teaching a lesson on crafts. Their work consisted of fixing the beanpoles at the side of the plots ready to be sown with beans. Almost all the pupil moniteurs with the head moniteurs helped out with the pupils. But… each pupil only had two poles to be fixed in the soil!!! Moreover, it was clear that they had difficulty passing, not to say killing, the time available – an entire hour – and the organisation of the work did not seem very good.”

The lack of interest or enthusiasm was a thorn in the flesh of the inspector. He not only made some short remarks on this in the discussion of some subjects, he noticed it in the self-assessment that the students of the teacher training college had to make after the lessons. From what he said it seems clear that a considerable number of the pupils participated little or not at all: “The pupils are called to make a criticism of the lessons given by their fellow students in which they participated during the day. The Rev. Brother corrected and completed these critiques with his own remarks for the lessons in which he also assisted. The critiques of the pupils have some good elements but the majority relate to remarks of a secondary order and often relate too exclusively to laudatory judgements, which should surely not be neglected if merited; but they pass too lightly over the faults and omissions or possibilities the pupil moniteur should have been able to use beneficially in his lesson. During the practical lessons I had the impression that some pupils were not given a task to complete and that they remained passive as though completely uninterested in the lesson.“[cxv]

That the inspector held the opinion that various matters were indeed the fault of the Congolese and not so much of the missionaries is apparent from the remark he made in his report for 1951 on the primary school: “On the other hand it is difficult to be aware, especially in an application school, of the differences that exist between the timetables that should be displayed in the classroom and those written in the class diaries. Moreover, there were the deplorable breaches of school discipline that I ascertained with the moniteurs and the Rev. Brothers, while the Very Rev. Headmaster spent a whole hour each morning on inspecting the classroom diaries and preparing the lessons of the moniteurs. On numerous occasions during the lessons I was forced to conclude an incomprehensible toing and froing of pupils who came to find one or other object the moniteur needed for his lesson or that was required for manual work after the lesson in progress.”[cxvi] In any case, this contrasts strongly with the Brothers’ rules, which stipulated that the teachers all had to be prepared before the lessons started in the morning.

Other testimonies
Moreover, dissatisfied noises could also be heard from other corners. In the girls’ school in Coquilhatville education was led by the Sisters of Charity. As in the previous period, explicit mention of particular educational techniques was made here in the 1950s. The state inspector Eloye showed that he was rather satisfied with the use of the global method in the first school year and the centres d’intérêt in the following years. Still, the same practices were present here. In his comments on the monitrice in the first year, Eloye stated: “The reading lesson according to the global method: the materials she has available made the task easier. She had the group read too quickly from the board, from the book she must avoid reading by heart.”[cxvii] Here too, education was characterised by a high degree of improvisation. In the second grade the girls were in the same classroom. The two monitrices tried to solve this by adapting their timetables. “The monitrice teaches one year while the other works on their exercises.” Above all, they did not always seem to be well prepared: “The dictation lessons given by the Rev. Sr. Headmistress and the monitrice should have been prepared before the lesson itself, not as the dictation progressed, and corrected without losing time.” The same monitrice was also criticised because of her poor teaching, particularly in the arithmetic lesson: “She exceeded the curriculum with calculations that she had solved wrongly on the board: 32-18 = 24, 44-27 = 23.” The moniteur who taught the third year (that was really exceptional and shows there was a lack of capable monitrices) worked according to the method of project learning: the reading lesson fitted into the ‘Stanley’ topic. However, his teaching method did not satisfy the inspector, for the moniteur was much too nervous and repeated his explanation to the point of boredom. Another surprising report finally came from the HCB-school in Flandria, where Nand van Linden confined his report on the study results for the school year 1958-1959 to the following remark: “According to the curriculum prescribed for mission schools, the results usually demanded of pupils were not achieved, although the lesson hours have been increased and the subject matter to be taught has been reinforced with new textbooks. The cause is partly due to the pupils’ lack of discipline and application to their studies and mainly to the moniteurs who are not qualified and unable to teach according to the required standards.[cxviii]

Summary
The sources that provide us with information on the practical approaches to giving lessons in the mission schools create a picture that is somewhat similar to that of the school in the motherland in certain respects. Particularly the attention to obedience and discipline, to order and virtue, is not really surprising within the context of an educational concept dominated by Catholicism. Considering that most of the missionaries had not had any significant educational training, it should not be surprising that the principles they applied were precisely those they brought with them. These in return corresponded to their own school education. Respect, obedience, respect for authority were very strongly emphasised.

Order and discipline were undoubtedly the leading principles for the missionaries or were supposed to be so. The use of quasi-military drill techniques to deal with Congolese children, to keep them quiet and to be able to teach them, was probably present even more strongly than in the homeland. The fact that no exaggerated attention is paid to it in the sources does not detract from the fact that it was clearly a supporting factor in school life. These physical methods of keeping order (standing in lines, standing up at the same time, moving in groups, answering together and so on) were really the extension of a broad administrative framework surrounding the pupils that was just as much geared to the creation of an orderly, organised and controllable Congolese “mass”.

It is noticeable that the use of punishments was very often connected to utilitarian aims. This connection is not illogical, considering that these aims were perhaps even more present in education as a whole. The practical and utilitarian aspect was very expressly present in the curriculum and in practice. Work was done for the greatest part of the day, both within and outside the context of the official curriculum. This emphasis on handicrafts, on practical tasks, was certainly not exclusive to primary school, it was also continued at higher levels. It was supported by a double and ambiguous legitimisation: the necessity to contribute on the one hand to the material maintenance of the missions, on the other hand to the essential development of skills that would make the pupils able to work in rural surroundings later on.

The lessons were mainly given by Congolese teachers. Considering the sources available to the researcher are predominately written from the point of view of the missionaries and do not originate from the Congolese, it remains dangerous to make generalisations about the way that happened. In many cases there was certainly a rather comprehensive control over what the moniteurs and monitrices did in class. However, what was noted in inspection reports concerning classroom practice or the education of the teachers is very frequently mainly directed at the things that are not going well or, according to the inspecting authorities, should be done differently. From these reports it can certainly be deduced that a self-disciplined approach was often expected from the teachers, which in theory had to be supported by an enthusiastic and lively approach to the material but which before anything should remain within the prescribed rules and the point of view of the missionaries.

The majority of missionaries in the MSC area had no expertise in the field of education. There were a few who concerned themselves with theoretical principles and with fundamental questions of education and even amongst them it was frequently hard to find a drive for renewal. It is appropriate to make an exception for the Brothers of the Christian Schools, a teaching order that in fact had a somewhat restricted field of work in the region. Despite their better technical training or even their more theoretically oriented (and thus experienced by the Congolese as more progressive) education, it does not look as though they coloured noticeably outside the lines of colonial attitudes. Certainly insofar as the lesson content is concerned it is mostly the MSC who seemed to offer more of an alternative choice to their pupils due to their attention to local facts and traditions.

In conclusion, an important consideration must be repeated: the sources are ‘short-sighted’, not only because they are mainly written by missionaries but also because, for the most part, they leave a large part of the Congolese schools out of the picture. Practice in the small rural schools which formed a large if not the largest part of the famous education of the masses by the Belgians in the Congo is much more difficult to uncover than what occurred in the well-populated mission schools. The picture uncovered from the elements that are visible is anything but rich. Due to a lack of buildings, material, knowledge and staff, education in such schools mostly had to be reduced to the most elementary fundamentals, frequently dependent on the goodwill and efforts of a few, and consequently markedly precarious.

NOTES
[i] Imelda, Sr. (1937). Something about our schoolboys in Mondombe. In Annals, 3, p. 54. [original quotation in Dutch]
[ii] AAFE 38.5.2-39.1.6. Groupe Scolaire Coquilhatville. Prescriptions réglementaires et Principales obligations du maître. s.n., s.d.
[iii] AAFE 25.3.10. Inspection of the rural school Mpenzele. J. Moeyens, 8 September 1934. My underlining. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[iv] AAFE 101.4.10-11. Report on the inspection of the boys’ school near Batswa in Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 2 October 1939. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[v] AAFE 25.4.9. Bamanya Mission. Rural school of Boyela (Injolo) inspection for the month of May 1934 by R.P. Moyens. Signed P. Jans. [Original quotation in French]
[vi] Cortebeeck, J. (1932). “De houtskool-teekenaar” (vervolg). In Annals, 7, p. 152. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[vii] Imelda, Sr. (1937). Iets over onze schooljongens van Mondombe. In Annals, 3, p. 54. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[viii] Interview with Jean Indenge, Brussels, 14 July 2003.
[ix] AAFE 93.4.12. Rapport sur l’inspection de l’école des Huileries du Congo Belge établie à Flandria (district de l’Equateur), 1933. Report by the provincial inspector (name not given).
[x] Maes, F. (1950). Straf. In Annals, June, p. 88. The Father referred to is Octaaf Everaert. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xi] Quotation from interview with Jean Indenge. [Original quotation in French]
[xii] Cortebeeck, J. (1941). Boende. In Annals, January, p. 7. [Original quotation in Dutch]
[xiii] Imelda, Sr. (1937). Something about our schoolboys in Mondombe. In Annals, 3, p. 54. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xiv] AAFE 96.2.6-7. Rapport annuel 1953. Ecole H.C.B. – District Flandria. Ecole primaire centrale à Flandria. F. Maes, Flandria, 3 January 1954. Maes remembered also during my interview with him: “There was an assembly every week; then they all stood in front of you, on Saturday morning they had to do their punishment. They had to fetch soil, or make the ground even behind the school to make a football pitch.” [original quotation in French]
[xv] Ibidem.
[xvi] Interview with Jean Indenge, Brussels, 14 July 2003. [original quotation in French]
[xvii] Interview with Jean Boimbo, Ukkel, 25 September 2003. [original quotation in French]
[xviii] Fernand Van Linden (°1912) was ordained as a priest in 1937 and left a year later for the Congo. He originally worked as a travelling Father. After 1945 he became head of the school in Flandria, in the course of the 1950s he went to work in the same job in Boende.
[xix] Interview with Fernand Van Linden, Ternat, 11 June 2002.
[xx] Interview by Césarine Bolia with Julienne Aboli, Kinshasa, 29 September 2003. [original in French]
[xxi] Interview with Stéphane Boale, St-Joost-ten-Noode, September 2003. “Coupe-coupe” refers to a machete. [original quotation in French]
[xxii] Interview Césarine Bolia with Joséphine Bongondo, Kinshasa, 29 September 2003. [original quotation in French]
[xxiii] Interview byCésarine Bolia with Bernard Kasusula, Binza, 29 September 2003.
[xxiv] Interview with Stéphane Boale, St-Joost-ten-Noode, September 2003. [Original quotation in French]
[xxv] Ibidem. [original quotation in French]
[xxvi] Interview by Césarine Bolia with Bukasa Mbanvu Sebanjili, Kinshasa, September 2003. [original quotation in French]
[xxvii] Interview with Jean Indenge, Brussels, 14 July 2003.
[xxviii] Interview with Rik Vanderslaghmolen, Borgerhout, 18 August 2004. Vanderslaghmolen worked from 1946 to 1951 in Coquilhatville as an economist. After an interruption in Belgium because of health problems, he worked for a year as head of the school in Mondombe and from 1956 he taught (Latin) at the junior seminary in Bokuma. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xxix] AAFE 30.5.7-9. Letter from Father Wauters to Mgr. Van Goethem. Bamanya, 1 May 1943. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xxx] Interview with Jean Indenge, Brussels, 14 July 2003. [original quotation in French]
[xxxi] Interview with Jean Boimbo, Ukkel, 25 September 2003.
[xxxii] Also found in the interviews that Filip Deboeck and Césarine Bolia made with a number of inhabitants of Kinshasa in the context of an investigation into memories of the colonial school time (September 2003). One of the interviewees told of his time at school with the Marists in Stanleyville: “There was a system applied: a frank was given to people who spoke Swahili for example. So when you went to class, the teacher asked: “Who has the coin? Oh, it’s me!”. Then you were punished. You had to avoid talking Swahili.” Interview with Donat Salehe Kimbulu, Makala, 16 September 2003.
[xxxiii] Es, M. (1927). Mijn kleine schoolkolonie. In Annals, 11, p. 246. My emphasis. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xxxiv] Maria Godfrieda, Sr. (1934). What sort of things they have to do. In Annals, 5, p. 108. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xxxv] Brokerhoff, P. (1930). A normal day on a Congo-mission post. In Annals, 11, p. 248. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xxxvi] Interview with Jean Boimbo in Ukkel, 25 September 2003. [original quotation in French]
[xxxvii] Brokerhoff, P. (1930). l.c.
[xxxviii] Archive Lazarists Leuven. “Rapport sur les oeuvres des Filles de la Charité de St-Vincent de Paul à Coquilhatville. Exercice 1930.” s.n., January 1931.
[xxxix] AAFE 15.3.4-8. Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école primaire à Mondombe, 1930. P. Vertenten, Mondombe, 24 December 1930. [original quotation in French]
[xl] AAFE 101.4.12. Circular to the managers of the missions. G. Hulstaert, 1 February 1939. A.T. stands for “Autorité Territoriale”. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xli] AAFE 15.3.4-8. Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école primaire à Mondombe, 1930. P. Vertenten, Mondombe, 24 December 1930. [original quotation in French]
[xlii] Segers, F. (1947). De zingende knapen van Mondombe. In Annalen, March, p. 44. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xliii] AAFE 25.4.9. Bamanya Mission. Ecole rurale de Boyela (Injolo) inspection du mois de mai 1934 par le R.P. Moyens. Signed Paul Jans. [original quotation in French]
[xliv] Brokerhoff, P. (1930). Een normale dag op een Congo-missiepost. In Annalen, 11, p. 248. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xlv] Caudron, J. (1935). Ik denk aan mijn jongens in Bokote. In Annalen, 12, p. 269. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xlvi] AAFE 99.5.14. Memo “Recommendations pour l’établissement des horaires journaliers.”, s.n., s.l., s.d. [original quotation in French]
[xlvii] The Bourdon test is a psychological test that measures the capacity for concentration on the basis of the speed of recognition of figures or letters in a set of meaningless texts or figures or symbols. Named after the developer, the French psychologist Benjamin Bourdon (1860-1943). See Nicolas, S. (1996). Benjamin Bourdon, le fondateur du laboratoire. In CRPCC, un laboratoire centenaire. On http://www.uhb.fr/sc_humaines/psycho_expe/labos/expe/
[xlviii] AAFE 99.5.14. Note “Recommandations pour l’établissement des horaires journaliers.”, s.n., s.l., s.d.
[xlix] AAFE 99.5.3-5. Letter from Frans Maes to Gaston Moentjens. Flandria, 26 March 1951.
[l] AAFE 15.4.7-11. Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école primaire des Rev. Soeurs du précieux Sang à Bamania (école de Filles). P. Vertenten, Bamanya, 8 November 1930. [original quotation in French]
[li] “Uit brieven van Z.E.P. Vertenten aan de studenten der apostolische school te Assche”. In Annalen, 1928, 10, p. 219. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lii] For example, even in 1950 Father Pattheeuws wrote: “Veel negers zijn voor een eerste stap maar ze zijn te rap moet.” In Annalen, 1950, October, p. 140.
[liii] AAFE 101.4.10-11. Report on the inspection in the boys’ school for Batswa in Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 2 October 1939. [original quotation in Dutch]
[liv] AAFE 35.4.7. Rapport sur l’école professionnelle H.C.B. Flandria. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 28 September 1928. [original quotation in French]
[lv] AAFE 34.4.10. Ecole Professionnelle H.C.B. Rapport trimestriel sur l’école, mars 1929. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 6 April 1929. [original quotation in French]
[lvi] AAFE 15.5.11. Horaire des classes. Ecole primaire (garçons). P. Vertenten, Wafanya, 17 June 1930.
[lvii] AAFE 1.5.1-2. Report about the rural school of Mpenjele, 1941. s.n.
[lviii] AAFE 75.3.5. Horaire de la première année primaire. J. Jacobs, Bamanya, 24 February 1954.
[lix] Rieks, A. (1939). Een doodgewone namiddag. In Annals, 3, p. 56. This article was written under a pseudonym. The author, Henri Adriaensen, had been in the Congo from 1934 to 1937, first as head of the mission printing press in Coquilhatville and afterwards as director of the boarding school in Bamanya. The article, which was published after his return to Belgium, is more than probably about Bamanya. See De Rop, A. & Vlamynck, J. (1971). Bibliografie van de Missionarissen van het H. Hart. Belgische Provincie. 1921-1971. Borgerhout: Missionarissen van het Heilig Hart, p. 1-2; Vereecken, J. (1985). Wij gedenken. Tweede reeks biografische schetsen van M.S.C. van de Belgische Provincie. Borgerhout: Missionarissen van het Heilig Hart, p. 31.
[lx] De Rop, A. (1947). Een dagje in Imbonga. In Annals, May, p. 67.
[lxi] Annalen, March 1957, p. 37. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxii] AAFE 4.1.12 – 2.1. Report from the school inspectors, girls’ school Bamanya, 1937. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 21 June 1937. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxiii] AAFE 4.4.5-9. Inspection report on the boys’ primary school Bamanya, 1936. G. Hulstaert, Coquilhatville, 23 October 1936. [original quotation in French]
[lxiv] AAFE 101.4.10-11. Report on the inspection of the boys’ school for Batswa in Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 3 October 1939. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxv] AAFE 1.1.4. Report on the inspection of the girls’ school in Bamanya, 1942. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 12 November 1942. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxvi] AAFE 12.5.6. Report on the inspection of the girls’ school in Bamanya, 1944. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 17 November 1944. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxvii] AAFE 15.5.8-10. Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école primaire à Wafania. P. Vertenten, Wafania, 1 June 1930. [original quotation in French]
[lxviii] AAFE 4.4.14-5.3. Inspection of the girls’ school, Bamanya, 1936. G. Hulstaert, Coquilhatville, 20 October 1936. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxix] AAFE 12.5.3-5. Report about the inspection of the primary school and teacher training college in Bamanya, 1944. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 4 November 1944.
[lxx] AAFE 75.3.15-4.3. Inspection report of the subsidiary schools, 1954. 8 schools were mentioned, all set up between 1952 and 1954.
[lxxi] AAFE 99.4.7-10. Inspection report of the boy’s school in Flandria, 21-23 June 1951. G. Moentjens, Bokote, 28 October 1951. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxii] AAFE 75.3.10-13. Inspection report of the subsidiary school of Beambo, 1954. G. Moentjens, Flandria, 28 August 1954.
[lxxiii] AAFE 15.1.3-7. Bamanya. Report about the girls’ school. School year 1934, Primary school. Sister Auxilia.
[lxxiv] AAFE 4.1.12-2.1. Report of the school inspection of the girls’ school in Bamanya, 1937. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 21 June 1937. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxv] AAFE 4.4.5-9. Report of the inspection of the boys’ primary school in Bamanya, 1936. G. Hulstaert, Coquilhatville, 23 October 1936. [original quotation in French]
[lxxvi] AAFE 1.5.6. Report of the inspection of the boys’ primary school in Bamanya, October 1941. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 7 October 1941. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxvii] AAFE 1.1.2-3. Report of the inspection of the boys’ school in Bamanya, 1942. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 11 November 1942. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxviii] AAFE 101.4.10-11. Report on the inspection of the boys’ school for Batswa in Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 3 October 1939. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxix] AAFE 1.1.2-3. Report of the inspection of the boys’ school in Bamanya, 1942. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 11 November 1942. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxx] AAFE 101.4.1. Letter from Hulstaert to the school management in Flandria. Bamanya, 5 January 1941. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxxi] AAFE 101.4.9. Report on the inspection in the girls’ school in Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 2 October 1939. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxxii] AAFE 1.1.4. Verslag over de inspectie in de meisjesschool te Bamanya, 1942. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 12 November 1942.
[lxxxiii] [cleanliness of the body, cleanliness of the house, cleanliness of the linen, the family meal, a well cared for village, …]
[lxxxiv] AAFE 3.5.10-12, Letter by J. Daxhelet, chef du territoire ad interim, to the MSC in Bamanya, with circulaire from the Gouvernement Général, fixant les conditions d’un concours ouvert par le Gouvernement de la colonie à la fois en Afrique et en Europe pour appeler, en vue de faciliter l’enseignement des pratiques d’hygiène élémentaire, à l’aide de tableaux didactiques destinés aux écoles pour indigènes du Congo Belge, les oeuvres les meilleurs et les plus éloquents. 2 p. Coquilhatville, 3 January 1940.
[lxxxv] The paysannats were large enclosed agricultural areas, which were divided among Congolese inhabitants. Led by agronomists the farmers on these lots were taught agricultural methods that combated erosion and increased yields. Through the foundation of cooperatives farmers could buy tools and sell their products together. See Cleys, B. (2003). Andries Dequae. De zelfgenoegzaamheid van een koloniaal bestuur (1950-1954).
[lxxxvi] AAFE 99.3.1. Letter from G. Moentjes to the school directors. Coquilhatville, 9 January 1952. [original quotation in Dutch]
[lxxxvii] AAFE 15.1.3-7. Bamanya. report about the girls’ school. School year 1934, primary school. Sister Auxilia.
[lxxxviii] AAFE 101.4.10-11. Verslag over de inspectie in de jongensschool voor Batswa te Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 3 October 1939.
[lxxxix] AAFE 10.3.8-13. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire pour garçons indigènes à Bamanya. 7, 9, 10 November 1950. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 3 December 1950. [original quotation in French]
[xc] AAFE 9.3.4-4.6. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire et de l’école de moniteurs à Bamanya. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 31 September 1952. [original quotation in French]
[xci] Interview with Stéphane Boale, in Sint-Joost-ten-Noode, 22 September 2003.
[xcii] AAFE 101.4.9. Report on the inspection of the girls’ school in Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 2 October 1939. [original quotation in French]
[xciii] AAFE 100.1.9. Inspection report of the boys’ school (Batswa) in Flandria, 1950. G. Moentjens, Tshuapa, 11 October 1950. [original quotation in French]
[xciv] AAFE 4.3.12-4.1. Rapport sur l’inspection de l’école primaire de Bamanya, 1937. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 18 June 1937. [original quotation in French]
[xcv] AAFE 101.5.7-8. Leçon de calcul. P. Vertenten, à bord du Theresita, 6 April 1936; AAFE 101.5.9-10. Petite causerie de chaque jour (quelques minutes seulement) sur la charité. P. Vertenten, Jeudi Saint 1936.
[xcvi] AAFE 101.4.10-11. Report about the inspection of the boys’ school for Batswa in Flandria, 1939. G. Hulstaert, Flandria, 2 October 1939. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xcvii] Ibidem. [original quotation in Dutch]
xcviii] Ibidem. [original quotation in Dutch]
[xcix] AAFE 15.3.4-8. Rapport sur le fonctionnement de l’école primaire à Mondombe, 1930. P. Vertenten, Mondombe, 24 December 1930. (original quotation in French)
[c] AAFE 3.5.13-14. Girls’ primary school, Bamanya, 1938. Sister Auxilia, Bamanya, 31 December 1938. [original quotation in Dutch]
[ci] AAFE 4.1.12-2.1. Report on the school inspection, girls’ school in Bamanya. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 21 June 1937. [original quotation in Dutch]
[cii] AAFE 100.1.11-14. Inspection report of the boys’ school (Batswa) of Flandria, 1950. G. Moentjens, op de Tshuapa, 11 October 1950. [original quotation in Dutch]
[ciii] AAFE 11.3.3-7. Rapport d’inspection de l’établissement des Soeurs Missionnaires du Précieux Sang à Bamanya, 1947. M. Vanmeerbeeck, inspecteur-adjoint au service provincial de l’enseignement, Coquilhatville, 8 May 1947. [original quotation in French]
[civ] AAFE 12.1.1-3. Letter from G. Wauters to Pater vicarius delegatus. Bamanya, 23 September 1947.
[cv]AAFE 12.5.1. Inspection of the girls’ school in Bamanya, 1946. F. Cobbaut, Bamanya, 28 September 1946. [original quotation in Dutch]
[cvi] AAFE 12.5.6. Report of the inspection of the girls’ school in Bamanya, 1944. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 17 November 1944. [original quotation in Dutch]
[cvii] AAFE 1.1.2-3. Report on the inspection of the boys’ school in Bamanya 1942. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 11 November 1942. [original quotation in Dutch]
[cviii] AAFE 4.1.12-2.1. Report on the school inspection of the girls’ school in Bamanya 1937. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 21 June 1937. [original quotation in Dutch]
[cix] AAFE 4.3.11-4.1. Rapport sur l’inspection de l’école primaire de Bamanya, 1937. G. Hulstaert, Bamanya, 18 June 1937. [original quotation in French]
[cx] AAFE 9.4.7-12. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire et de l’école de moniteurs à Bamanya. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, September 1951.(original quotation in French)
[cxi] AAFE 10.3.8-13. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire pour garçons indigènes à Bamanya. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 3 December 1950. [original quotation in French]
[cxii] Ibidem. [original quotation in French]
[cxiii] AAFE 10.3.5-7. Rapport d’inspection de l’école de moniteurs à Bamanya. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 7 December 1950. [original quotation in French]
[cxiv] AAFE 9.4.7-12. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire et de l’école de moniteurs de Bamanya, 1951. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 10 September 1951. [original quotation in French]
[cxv] AAFE 9.3.4-4.1. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire et de l’école de moniteurs à Bamanya, 1952. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 11 September 1952. [original quotation in French]
[cxvi] AAFE 9.4.7-12. Rapport d’inspection de l’école primaire et de l’école de moniteurs de Bamanya, 1951. G. Moentjens, Coquilhatville, 10 September 1951. [original quotation in French]
[cxvii] Africa Archive Brussels, electronic inventories, no. 12452. Rapport d’inspection n° 57. Ecole primaire centrale urbaine pour filles indigènes à Coquilhatville, 29-30 August et 1-2 September 1950. Eloye, provincial inspector. [original quotation in French]
[cxviii] AAFE 95.3.12-13. Huileries du Congo Belge, s.c.r.l. – District de Flandria. Ecole primaire centrale. Rapport scolaire annuel 1958-1959. F. Van Linden, Flandria, 20 July 1959. [original quotation in French]

“We arrive, it is as though it is some amusement, the people are standing there, we left for school, my poor father stood on the road until I disappeared from view. And I occasionally saw him when I turned around. But, he did not enjoy it. But me, on the other hand, I was attracted as if it were a game …[i]

A final piece of the puzzle
After reading the Congolese comments in La Voix the question naturally arises of whether these points of view corresponded to reality. It has certainly been adequately shown that a rather large gap yawned between the picture the Belgians gave of the situation in the Congo on the one hand and the actual problems of the colonised population on the other. The “elite” of the time were considered in the previous chapter. However, their contributions are situated in a strongly opinion-oriented framework. How education was experienced in practice by the pupils cannot be discovered directly from that. It is a piece that is still missing in the picture I want to reproduce: what was the experience of those who really encountered it? A search into literature on the memories of the education of the colonial period is not very productive. The information is scarce and very scattered. For this reason I considered it useful, in addition to the relatively large amount of written sources available to me, to search for a few people who had been going to school in the period and the region concerned. What they remember, and the way in which they do that, forms a very interesting supplement to the written sources and at the same time clarifies them and also puts them into context. Parts of their testimony have appeared here and there in the previous chapters because they naturally gave information on classroom practices. In this last chapter I want to place the story and the memories of my main witnesses at the centre. What is left from these experiences, what remained and what is their attitude towards this period?

Within (and perhaps because of) the limitations and uniqueness that accompanies this source of information, it is indisputably very interesting to use it in the context of this study. The image of school practices and realities can certainly be supplemented and shown more sharply by listening to the people who experienced it all as pupils. Concerning oral history and the problems of memories in general there is a great deal of scientific literature and in the context of colonial historiography and anthropology (oral) testimony, interview or conversations are sources of information that are being used more and more frequently. My intention here is not to subject the precise nature of all sources to a thorough analysis but I do want to mention a couple of sensible ideas, in my opinion, on the way in which this sort of information can best be dealt with.

Working with memories
Bogumil Jewsiewicki puts what he calls récits de vie at the centre of his social and cultural historical research.[ii] He has even published a number of these life stories and on this occasion formulated some considerations about the nature of these stories. He states that this really relates to a mixed form, something in between social history and telling a story. He emphasised the shifting meaning of stories, which change their context continually between ‘I’ and ‘we’. Your own story simultaneously carries that of the family, the village, the people who share the experience with you. Strongly connected with this is the practice of speaking figuratively; this forms a sort of second layer beneath the facts and events used by the people telling the story or those interviewed. The images used really constitute the assignment of meaning given to the facts and events. On a more direct level Jewsiewicki noticed that in the stories of the Congolese a distinction is often made between ‘us’ and ‘them’. The ‘them’ was primarily the European, the coloniser.

A more personalised implementation of Jewsiewicki’s insights into the ‘I’ and the ‘we’ may be found in the study by Marie-Bénédicte Dembour, Recalling the Belgian Congo.[iii] Dembour pays a great deal of attention to the process of remembering, which seemed to form a central component of her research into the colonial past. From the start of her research she was confronted by the transforming effect of memories and the fact that people integrate their past into their lives and also adapt it. During her interviews Dembour discovered that the interlocutors often gave generally applicable answers and had difficulty in making a distinction between what they formerly thought and what they now thought: “Experiences do not get pigeonholed in one’s memory in a chronological order; rather they are amalgamated in what already exists, slightly changing the tone, adding a dimension, or completely ‘distorting’ the images of the past one keeps.” In the same sense Dembour described a whole series of ways in which memory works: forgetting distasteful things, the incorporation of new facts, striving for coherence and synthesis. Memory continues to modify occurrences with a particular connotation until they get another connotation.

Dembour seems to emphasise the fact that memory works in an active manner, in the sense that memories not only fade but things are also added and modified. In a recent paper (Forgetful Remembering) Johannes Fabian emphasised another component.[iv] In this he defends the concept that both components of memory must be considered, remembrance and forgetting. He considers the telling of tales (narration) as a combination of both components, both considered as active transactions of the narrator. Fabian gives some convincing examples of what one must expect concretely. In the article in question he begins from a conversation that he had with a Congolese man. The conversation fitted into source research carried out by Fabian into a document from the colonial period about which he wanted to know more. At the same time he became interested in the man’s life story. Fabian writes: “We cannot help but notice that the various parts of narrative that Baba Ngoie elected to tell us add up to a remarkably thin story of his life. Despite occasional flashes of the concrete – memories that help us to imagine some of the stations of his life – what he reports is the biography of a strangely abstract colonial subject.” Besides this his attention was mainly drawn to the fact that the interviewee maintained a conscious distance from certain subjects whenever he is asked about them. That can be seen from the way in which a person talks about something: someone can claim not to remember because of his great age but also sometimes because he had paid no attention to it at the time. Sometimes someone reacted with a brusque ‘that could be true’ or an uninterested ‘maybe’. This is what Fabian is interested in, the finer points of the narrative, including the way in which things are not mentioned. This particular manner can therefore tell us something, even if it is only about the reason why someone does not know or do something, but also about the way that someone sees himself in society, in his life.

2. Interlocutors[v]
I made extensive interviews with three former pupils of the MSC in the Belgian Congo.[vi] What the three mainly had in common was that they went to school in MSC schools, that they were good students, that they were able to continue their education after primary school and that they finally ended up in Belgium. They had all been living for a considerable time in Belgium now and have settled there. I would like to introduce them briefly because they will speak in detail below. This biographical information was given to me by the interviewees themselves during the conversations I had with them.

Jean Indenge was born in 1935 in the territoire de Monkoto, in the southeast Equatorial province. After attending the village school, he went to primary school in Wafanya with the Sisters of Beveren-Waas. After this he continued his education in Coquilhatville and became a nurse. After independence he also worked there for a short period. After this he went to Leopoldville, at first only to work. Later he resumed his studies there. He became assistant pharmacien and worked in the provincial medical services. During the sixties he came to Belgium and finally trained in physiotherapy at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. He received his first degree, his bachelor’s. He then worked in a clinic in Brussels. In the 1970s he was called back for a short time to give lessons in Zaïre, while his family remained in Belgium. After this he continued to work in Belgium, in the same hospital, but at the end of the 1980s he had to take early retirement as a consequence of internal restructuring. Papa Indenge is a fairly well known person in the Congolese community in Brussels. At the moment of the interview he was mainly employed in running a café (together with his family), right next to Brussels South station.

Stéphane Boale was born around 1935 in the district of Bokote. He also went to primary school there. Later he studied at the teacher training college with the Brothers of the Christian Schools in Bamanya. He taught for a short time in Bamanya but then did the state examination as a meteorologist. Thanks to that diploma he found employment with the government and was posted to the Equatorial province. In this capacity he also had the opportunity to continue his studies in Belgium, which he did for four years. How long he has lived in Belgium is unclear but probably since the end of the 1970s. He is retired and lives with his wife in Saint-Josse-ten-Noode (Brussels).

Jean Boimbo was born in 1928. Like Indenge he comes from the territoire de Monkoto, but from a different village. He also went to school in Wafanya. After this he went to the teacher training college in Bamanya. After working as a probationary teacher for two years in Lombo Lombo (the leper colony founded by the MSC) he began teaching. After getting his diploma, in 1954, he immediately moved to Leopoldville. When Buisseret started lay education, many extra teachers were sought and he took advantage of this. He taught until immediately after independence and then became directeur adjoint and after that headmaster of his primary school. In 1965 he began a career in the civil service. He first worked in the personnel department of the central department of education, after this and after a series of promotions he ended up in the highest ranks of the administration, first as Agent du protocol d’état (a department which was under the direct authority of the president), later at the Commissariat général du Plan.[vii] From the middle of the 1980s he was promoted to cabinet assistant in the ministry of public works. After a change of cabinet and a short period – following his ex-minister – at the Belgolaise bank, where he had the title of Fondé de pouvoir (“having power of authority”), he was again appointed to a function in a ministry, that of agriculture. Finally Boimbo and his boss were appointed to the SNCZ (the Zairese railway company). In 1993 Boimbo retired from this job but he continued to run his own construction company. He moved to Belgium in 1997. He lives in Uccle (Brussels) with his family.

I had one or more lengthy conversations with each of these three. With Jean Boimbo I had one conversation of about two hours. With Jean Indenge I had one conversation of two to three hours and a second conversation that was somewhat shorter. With Stéphane Boale I had three conversations, each one a couple of hours long. I always used the same approach in these conversations. However, the conversations showed considerable differences between each other, not only in length but also as far as the style and fluency of communication were concerned. Without drawing any further conclusions out of this, it seems important to me to explain how these conversations proceeded in a rather general way. The way in which the interview was done was always the same (as was also the case for the interviews with the missionaries): a half open interview, in which I worked from a prepared list of questions but allowed the interviewees to expand further and then tried to follow their story insofar as possible. Jean Indenge, whom I interviewed first, had prepared himself carefully for the conversation and had composed a complete list of things that he wanted to say. He expanded considerably on particular topics. Stephane Boale was the most difficult for me to grasp and I had the most difficulty in communicating with him. He did not stick to a chronologically based story, and often told me memories and stories that had been told to him, which he did not in the first instance explain as such. At first this rather confused me. Finally, Jean Boimbo answered the questions I asked without preparation and very fluently. Of the three he seemed to have the most feeling for chronology and could usually quickly say from memory what he had experienced and done and where and when things exactly had to be situated.

To school[viii]
2.1. The great leap forwards
I spoke in detail with Jean Indenge about his motivation to go to school. Indenge had, like the other two gentlemen from the Equatorial province, first followed lessons in his own village for some years in one of the little bush schools which, in his experience, were relatively widespread: “You see in each village, there was a basic cell, in each village there were small schools where children of certain age, say 6, 7, 8 years, would enter and spend around two or three years. That was the case for me, almost three years. And when the curricula available there were completed, well it was a question of going to a properly officially recognised school.” At this village school the children did not learn much: “They taught rudimentary education, reading and writing, you had to know the alphabet, reading and the elements of arithmetic and after three years those that were talented, they would already have exceeded this level of education.” Indenge’s school was a Protestant school and that had one difference to other schools: “What I know is that I finished this school and that I was unemployed, so to speak, for a few years, before going to another school. And during this period of unemployment and because it was a Protestant school I had a book, the same as the moniteur.” Indenge did just the same as the moniteur, on the basis of his own book: reading and singing. And his knowledge thus was as developed as that of the teacher.

For him going to the mission school meant he had to leave his familiar environment and make a long journey. I asked to what extent the children had been able to build up a background for taking such a far-reaching decision themselves. I said to him that he must have been very motivated to start this. He answered with a few rhetorical questions: “When one went to the village schools, at that age, is there an understanding of what one will be doing at that school? All the more so at that time, those guys who were in our village, who hunted, who knew how to write or who sang Protestant songs, would that affect young people? That, I do not know!” For himself he had reasoned that behind school there had to be a sort of vocation, although he clearly still had difficulty in explaining this to himself and still seemed to be looking for an explanation: “But always I was called by something like a wind that attracts you like that. It was only much later that I understood that there was a vocation from I don’t know what, attraction, expectation, I don’t know what.” Also significant in his case was the fact that his older brothers also went away to school. He described that as the way in which the vocation received an effective form: “But, in order for the expectation, this call to be effective, it was necessary to have a few brothers in my family who were at the school, even if they stopped in the second or third year of primary education, it was necessary to have that.”

Indenge remembers being very enthusiastic about learning to write. He was a good pupil and practiced diligently, also in the evenings after school. He described his feeling about going to school as a mixture of compulsion and longing: “It was at the time that we discovered organised school, there were 300, 400 pupils and more, we were not yet completely marked but still we were there because of obligation on the one hand and as though it was a game on the other.” Indenge described a sort of indefinite situation in which the children found themselves and in which they were maintained by the disciplinary rules and the things they had to do, which they sometimes found nice and sometimes not. There was no higher purpose. Indenge was clearly also in that situation and compared that with the European context. He conceded that they had no role models, no reference points: “Because we did not have any points of reference. The points of reference here (in Belgium, JB), today, that means asking the question to a child of 4, 5 years of age: ‘what do you want to be later?’ There are those that would say: ‘I want to be a policeman’, others who say ‘I want to be a doctor’, etc. etc. What does that mean? What these children are doing is looking for people with whom they can identify.”

He was clearly still thinking about it himself: “When I ask the question again, it is because it was necessary to have points of references in a person, who works, who has a bicycle or who has ‘l’union fait la force’, etc. etc. From that moment, one says: ‘I, I want to be this … that occurred then because he was at school.’ While we say: ‘I am going to school to be like him!’“[ix] That sort of role model was therefore missing and Indenge did not succeed in describing his longing to go to school in more detail. It remained a sort of undefined longing or even something that people just did because it was the established thing. “But why did one go to school? This desire was due to what? I am still asking that question because I cannot discover it, it was simply a game like that, and: ‘I have to go to school, we are talking about school’!” His parents were really not convinced that he should leave and it was obviously his older brothers who persuaded them to let their youngest son go to the big school. It can hardly be anything other than that they saw the importance of this, although according to Indenge they could only just read and write: “They were not very successful in their level of education, eh“. This witness indicates that speaking of conscious strategies, made in advance, is not completely correct.

In Naître et mourir au Zaïre Jewsiewicki collected some statements from Congolese witnesses about their lives during the colonial period. These were mostly life stories of illiterate people who were recorded by family members, except for a few exceptions. Most of the stories only briefly treat the school history of the protagonists but do report – even if summarily– things mentioned by my interviewees. For example the fact that children in the countryside only began primary education at a rather late age: “At thirteen years of age, I left my parents to go to the Catholic mission of Libanda in order to receive my First Communion. After having received First Communion, I registered in the first year of primary school to start my studies. If I had started my studies late, that was because there was no school in the Ngiri.”[x] This is an element that evidently often comes to the fore in people’s memories. That was also the case with Jean Indenge and he referred to the same reasons: “Well, at that time, when we hadn’t received the required age, which was around 12, 13 years of age, it was not possible to go to that school that was many kilometres from the village, as I will explain a little later.”

It is not difficult to place this as a memory; it must after all have been a fundamental moment in the young lives of these people. A great adventure, which the person involved liked to talk about in detail so many years later: “One left one’s small village with a small suitcase. In my case, I may say that I was privileged, I had a metal case with a few pairs of trousers, some shirts, a few coins. And we left for a long time. Over twelve months we only had two holidays. And just think: leaving my home to arrive at this mission in Wafanya was two days’ walk. On foot, barefoot! And the majority of the time, there were real roads suitable for motor vehicles but we could not follow those because that was too far, we preferred the shortcuts. However, the shortcuts required walking on the tracks where we sometimes would face an elephant before us. Well, so we would leave, very early in the morning from our home and then to spend the night in an unknown village. So just picture that in your head (…) Well. We arrived in the village, a stranger, where we asked for hospitality (accommodation, JB), spent the night if we found hospitable people, or you would borrow mats because there were no mattresses and then, very early in the morning at around four a.m., we would rise to continue the walk through … the most virgin forest that exists to arrive at the edge of a river. The river had to be crossed to arrive at the mission.”

Stéphane Boale also confirmed during the conversations I had with him that people waited a long time before sending children to the mission school. He thought it was because it was a dangerous journey: “Ah yes, but why did you have to wait? It was because of the killings! It was dangerous. Even getting married: you had to marry women you knew. Not more than one kilometre away. And when sending children, there was nothing heard about them. If a person left, no news was received.” He himself described the journey of over two hundred kilometres as “une expérience impressionante” and he had trouble with homesickness but recovered from it quickly. Indenge expressed the shock of arrival somewhat pithily by describing his first impression as follows: “We were no longer in our village, we were somewhere!” He linked that very expressly to the fact that he was now at a place where whites were continually present: “Now you would see them, not one, but three and continually.” The presence of female religious workers, too, was a new, alienating experience for him: “We knew that they existed and that they were called “Sisters”. But now we could actually visualise these beings called “Sisters”. That clearly had an impact on us (laughs, JB).”

2.2. Motivation
A completely different question naturally relates to the reasons for continuing education, continuing going to school. In the interviews I conducted that element was never explicitly put forward. In hindsight the gentlemen seemed to consider their continued education the obvious thing to do, although that cannot really have been the case in the given context. Boale implied it to some extent. When he was about seventeen he finished primary school. When I mentioned the junior seminary, he told me spontaneously that he would not have been allowed to go there: “But I did not have the opportunity to go there. I was prepared but my history was not known. In other words, in order to go to the seminary, the priest had to know your origins. I was the third in the class when I left primary school. But I was not known, my identity was not known.” He certainly suggested that you had to have good connections, be in contact with the right people, to be able to go to the seminary. Obviously he felt obliged to give a few words of explanation: “And from all those who went to the higher seminary, only one succeeded, all the others were thrown out.“ And then to conclude about himself: “They did not know where to put me really. I was considered too young to be a teacher.”

In contrast, with Jean Boimbo everything seemed very clear. After primary school he simply went straight to the teacher training college. Once he was there, there did seem to be some problems, because there were too many candidates and the classes were too crowded. The Brothers therefore organised a concours and only those who scored more than 90% could immediately go on to the higher year (Boimbo was 19 at that time). His ambitions were already clear at the time, he says: “We had goals, eh! We saw our elders who were working for the State, in a good job, or teachers, who were clean and who taught, and there were guys who were poor and we wanted to work so that we could help our family. We had determination, we wanted to become like some (…) we liked school, so that we could become someone later.” That partly fits in with what Jean Indenge said about the initial motivation for going to primary school. The example of others played an important role for the children at that time.

This was also true for Josephine Bongondo, who was at school in Kinshasa in the 1950s: “Each person had their own ideas of what they wanted to do: ‘I want to work’; ‘I want to get married’; or: ‘I want to join a religious order’. But I only had one thought, to work. To work like some friends worked at that time.” In her interview Bongondo agreed that specific expectations existed for the girls at domestic school. Although only a little French was taught, that was still enough to begin to dream of a ‘real’ job in an office: “Yes, Ma’am Reine, Ma’am France, Ma’am Rumane… They gave us the hope that as we had started to talk a little French, we would be able to work in offices.” She said that her parents had a typewriter at home. She wrote the letters and digits from the machine down on paper and during playtime at school she wrote them down again in the sand, then she practiced with her friends: “We even created our own song: ‘We are pupils from middle school, we are to be congratulated, we will work in offices (one day). Love and push (the dance)!’” These were girls at the domestic school, i.e. a middle school. In comparison with most Congolese women they had a special position. Still, this picture of the future was not obvious for them; Mama Bongondo very clearly remembers the sharp reaction of the Sisters: “Our sister came: ‘What? You, a black woman, working in an office? A black woman will not work a single day in an office! She will work in her husband’s house! In an office, a black woman would never work! Go on! All of you, you are punished! Go! You, Joséphine, you have invented all these stories! You will remain on your knees for a whole week outside class! Hands raised! You will see, you brat!’“[xi]

The interrelations at the mission
3.1. The relationship with the missionaries, through the eyes of the pupils
How close were the missionaries to the young Congolese? In some stories the Sisters appear a faraway spirit, an apparition with whom the pupils had very little contact. “Sister Josepha, she passed by in the classroom all the time.” The Sisters, who managed the school, had a purely supervisory function. The moniteurs were supervised closely. This supervision fitted well into the hierarchy of authority at the mission which seemed self-evident to the pupils. The general rule was for the pupils not to speak to or to bother the missionaries unless strictly necessary. If there were problems with the subject matter to be learnt, if they didn’t understand something, they went to the Congolese teaching staff first, who were naturally closest to the pupils. At any rate, that was Boale’s experience: “You get the idea? Because the moniteurs were not like the professors here. They were the framework. They were close-by. In the mission, close-by.”

The Sister only became involved if the teacher did not know either: “While we only went to the Sisters for major problems, that the moniteur could not solve. But it was possible, for example mathematical problems, say the rule of three, algebra … if the moniteur was unable to understand it, the Sister headmistress would come and explain the method.” Since there was always a Sister in the neighbourhood, that almost happened automatically: “The fact that she was present all the time, ’24 hours a day’, she immediately knew if there was a problem. And consequently she would intervene, either at the time she noticed the problem in the class, she would explain the method, for very complicated problems.” What exactly was meant by “complicated problems“? “The story of the Holy Trinity, that was a little complicated. Or if the moniteur started to babble, to change the subject abruptly, the Sister would intervene.” As a second example he used the mathematics lesson. Fractions, dividing by a fraction or decimal numbers were experienced as difficult. Such things were experienced by the pupils as a form of superiority: “It was very uncommon!!! Because when we saw that, we said to ourselves that the moniteur concerned did not measure up. That irritated the moniteur.” However, they did know that this superiority was not only because of the higher intelligence of the Sisters: “She also had help because she had the ‘solutionnaires’.”[xii]

Apart from this, the Sisters seemed to be fairly absent from the mission post. Boale said that they just did their job. Once the work was done, they went back to the convent. At the boys’ boarding school it was not the Sisters but the Fathers who supervised. Here too, just as in the school itself, tasks were delegated. The Fathers appointed responsible people from among the boys, the capitas (prefects). The system was probably similar to those used in European boarding schools. These capitas had to organise and supervise the others and to report to the responsible Father. He only came along from time to time to check up or if he knew something was not in order. Punishment followed if the rooms were not orderly enough or not clean enough.

Boimbo voiced quite a different opinion, he looked back on a very satisfactory relationship that he had maintained with the Sisters. There are a few explanations for this. At the mission post the Sisters were responsible for the school and therefore they were also responsible for the religion or mathematics lesson. Besides this Boimbo had been a capita. Then as an older pupil he had been responsible for younger pupils for some years. In this position he had to hold assemblies and be responsible for the maintenance of good order in his group. In this position he very often came into contact with the Sisters, for he belonged to one of the ‘chosen’ allowed to work on weaving raffia, an activity that was definitely reserved for pupils who, because of their intelligence, diligence or for other reasons, were in the good books of the religious workers. Boimbo obviously had good memories of this and in the way in which he spoke of it there was still some pride there: “I assisted. There was a Sister in charge of it and I helped the Sister. I watched the guys who made mistakes. I did the rounds or they came and ordered the raffia. You know what raffia is? Carpets were made from the raffia, with rods. The Sister drew the designs in the evening, with me and the others. For example, a square there, a fish there, in yellow, red. Or the design of a river and a boat.”

However, there was also another side to the iron discipline that both Boale and Indenge could still picture very well. Boale related spontaneously that although the pupils had to be ‘inside’ in the evenings and lying in their beds when curfew rang, they still enjoyed a certain freedom during the day. He remembered the boarding school as a domain that was clearly separated from the village (that can also be seen on photographs and maps). But there was no problem in leaving that domain outside the hours of obligatory presence. That more or less meant the pupils could move freely at midday, at some hours in the evenings and probably also at the weekends: “For example we were allowed to go out and were let back in if we simply wanted to go and buy something to eat. But a person who was in the boarding school and tried to leave during the hours of supervision, or if he could not be found, risked being punished.” He subsequently changed this statement by saying: “If he did not have a reason for going, he was not allowed to be absent, no? And then, the pupils were there almost all day. In the morning, lessons, at midday, lunch, in the afternoon, more lessons and afterwards it was often study, or the cinema, prayers, activities.”

Indenge expanded on this aspect much more. He particularly made remarkable statements in the context of food provisions. He complained as much about the lack of food as about the quality of what the pupils got to eat (his statement about peau de cochon has previously been cited). The consequence of this is that the children exerted themselves to get enough food. Indenge did not give the impression that the Fathers had anything against it. Whoever had money, or could think of something else to trade, could go to the village to buy manioc himself “At midday, we made do, we said: ‘You go and find some water, you go and find manioc flour and another looked for nuts’. In thirty minutes we came back together, we started to prepare it and the manioc leaves we ate contained cyanotic acid (sic)? It had to be heated long enough. But we had less than thirty minutes.” The children obviously had a building available, described by Indenge as a large hangar, where they cooked for themselves. There was no supervision by the missionaries, he said: “What would they have to supervise? They did not give wood, they did not give anything. We had to make do, as simple as that.”

Boimbo’s declarations were less detailed but also fit with these: “Those who were boarders ate at the boarding school. But there was no refectory as such eh. You had to manage on your own. Each person prepared food for himself.” The missionaries did give food but “it was bad grub“. He listed the alternatives: “There was time until eight p.m. to get yourself food. We would go fishing, we were very close to the river. Or we could go and work for somebody to earn money.” Again work had to be done to pay the moniteurs for their extra French lessons. If necessary this involved working for the teacher himself: “You would look for kindling or wood for the moniteur’s wife or you would iron his trousers, his clothes or his wife’s clothes.” So leaving the grounds of the boarding school was allowed, as long as one was back before eight o’clock.

Consequently, there seemed to be a certain amount of freedom for the pupils in a number of areas and there were gaps in the timetables and in the supervision and discipline by the missionaries. However, those were exceptions and in the memories of those concerned the strict and regulated life is retained. That is apparent from the statements of all three. For example in the already quoted statement from Boale that there was always something to do. But Boimbo also said: “The days ran to time, eh. We had our occupations, there were no empty hours.” And Indenge described the typical course of the days in some detail, from early morning through the curfew to awakening the next morning and concluded with: “And then the chain continued! Every day!”

3.2. Authority and how to handle it
3.2.1. Authority
Stéphane Boale explained the general atmosphere between the teaching staff and the pupils in detail: “In the army, if you are told: ‘Go there’, you go there even if there are insects there. The total submission to a superior. You have to show that you have respect for your superiors. Even if you want to ask a question or pursue it in greater depth because you did not understand something. Or when the teacher wrote a mistake on the board, you were not allowed immediately to say ‘You have made a mistake’, you had to be much more careful. With submission and denunciation, in a normal degree. You were never allowed to say to a teacher or to the Sister headmistress or a person more authorised than you: ‘You know nothing, you do not know any French!’ or something similar. In your time, that is possible, democracy allows you to say such things. But not for us, that was not done!”

Although his use of language does not always allow a clear interpretation, a number of remarks between the meanderings of the conversation make it clear that the interaction in class proceeded very strictly and authoritatively: “Or, the teacher would feel that there were children who were disturbing him and he would say that they had to leave, as a punishment. You, you did not talk, but you knew who was talking. But you would still accept it. So you were punished, even though you had not done anything. (It was like that at school?) Yes, yes, complete submission. And when you wanted to put things in order, it was with a lot of courtesy.” The relationship between pupils and Sisters (and by extension all missionaries) was one of military discipline, according to Boale. I called the Sisters at one point “patronnes de l’école“, which he obviously found very funny. He asked me if I had ever been in the army. He compared the situation in the class with that of the army. Strangely enough he changed straight over to the moniteurs, although the question was about the Sisters. The authority obviously passed over from the one to the other in particular circumstances.

Authority was everywhere, and penetrated all parts of the lives of the pupils. Everything was being observed. The girls who were at school in Kinshasa referred repeatedly to interference by the Sisters in their lives. Mama Bongondo had had to endure a great deal of criticism: “And then you know that the religious workers and the priests were very strict people. They did not allow their affairs to be taken jokingly. But I also liked to put on a lot of powder. Also liked being elegant. When we went to Mass, I took Mama’s jewellery, the largest, I wore them in my ears. Ma’am France, Ma’am Romane, Ma’am Gertrie Kanda, all those ma’ams… Eh! They did not joke. Because they were members of a religious order, they also wanted you to be like them: ‘You cannot enter the Sanctuary! If you want to enter, you must wash your face as it should be, well, well, well. Remove all the Joli Soir you used to powder yourself! Remove all the gold you have put around your neck, put it in your pocket and then you may ‘enter the Sanctuary!’“[xiii]

This same pupil was repeatedly confronted by the Sisters with the fact that she was relatively well off (she was an only child and got many material advantages from her mother). She must for example explain why she came to school by bicycle (unmistakably an expression of luxury). She also remembered how one of the local missionaries made the claim one day that certain pupils were intelligent because they took part in fetishism. Clearly the Father was looking at her, for he asked her – accusingly – for an explanation: “I was there, not daring to say a single word. I have never in my life been to a fetishist! And well! You understand how much we were misused! During our time, if you (always) dressed well, if you were a person who claimed her rights, you really had a lot of problems.”

This same Mama Bongondo remembered how she had originally ended up in education. The Sisters had decided that for her: “We were returning from Mass as we were entering into the enclosure of Saint Petre, our Mother Superior held me back. She said to me: ‘Joséphine, from today, you will teach.’ I said: ‘Eh! Mother superior! What are you telling me?’ ‘I am telling you, from today, you will be a teacher.’ I had to teach in the third year primary. It was subject matter I had never seen. I did not know how to do it but I went anyway.” Intervention in the business of the pupils, both in school and outside, have obviously remained in the memory.

This contrasts with the experiences of their male colleagues in the Equatorial province, who referred much less to that sort of interference. That may naturally also relate to the fact that they went to school in a different sort of environment, an environment which was, if anything, much more controlled by the missionaries. The girls in Kinshasa were confronted daily with two different worlds to live in whenever they went from home to school and back. For the boys ‘in the provinces’ it was quite different. They were at boarding school and the organisation of their days was ruled by the missionaries. The grip of the missionaries on their daily life could certainly not be less comprehensive than in the city. Still, there was certain interference that the former pupils remembered noticeably well and about which they still got excited. Both Indenge and Boimbo related that with the MSC at the primary school they were not allowed to wear footwear; long trousers were also forbidden: “We wore our trousers during the holidays. We were only allowed to do so then.” When asked why these rules were imposed Boimbo said that it had something to do with relations with the opposite sex: “They said, if you had shoes, slippers, if you wore trousers, you would go and seduce the girls.”

3.2.2. Punishments
I asked each one of the three whether the teachers and/or the missionaries were strict and to what extent punishment was imposed. All three went into detail about the grounds for the punishments that were imposed. Boale mentioned physical punishment but said that it was rare. Indenge remembered that some missionaries, and also teachers, possibly on their own initiative and possibly not, would hit the pupils with a hand or a stick. Boimbo reported peines corporelles very briefly. According to him a few missionaries, directors or capitas could impose corporal punishment or physical work as a punishment, the teachers had to keep to lighter forms of punishment. None of the interviewees seemed to find this subject interesting, they did not seem to have been personally confronted with it themselves. Boale remarked that this sort of punishment was normal and he asked me “if I had never had to kneel down in the class?”

But they were more vague about the strictness of the missionaries and the teachers. Jean Boimbo remembered strict interventions but these were certainly not common: “There were only some missionaries who were … Others kept a little more distance. Like Father Albert, he was not in contact with us, Father Jacques, he was the priest at the mission, he was … no. Like Father Eugène, he was mean! Sometimes, you would say good day he would lash out. You are a man of God and when people say good day to you, you lash out. That is not a man of God! And when he had trees heavy with fruit, when they fell and we went to gather them from the ground, we were expelled from the school. It was better to let them rot! (…) The moniteurs, that depended, there were some very strict ones, there were also less strict ones, eh. There were mean ones and kind ones.”

3.2.3. Resistance
In the literature on this subject there exists quite a considerable discussion in terms of resistance (whether symbolic or not) by the colonised against the colonisers. It is natural that some forms of resistance were provoked, after all the missionaries exercised strong control over their pupils and they decided what would happen and with whom. Finding expressions of resistance in the testimonies of those involved is another matter. Jean Boimbo referred to it expressly when he talked about the secret organisation of French lessons by the moniteurs: “We wanted to talk French. We agreed with the masters and were against the priests. Because they did not want to teach us French. We were impatient. We even gave the masters the books. In order to learn conversations. ‘Bonjour monsieur’, ‘Où vas-tu?’, ‘Où est-tu?’. They did that on condition of payment, a phraseology, some kind of dialogue with a gentleman. ‘Où vas-tu?’, ‘Comment allez-vous?’, ‘Tu es malade?’. So, we would have our book and would recite it with a friend.”

From the fact that the missionaries imposed punishment, one can automatically deduce that disobedience occurred among the ranks of the pupils. Indenge spoke about the boarding school: “At 8 p.m. the bell for bed. And then the head moniteur would call assembly in case somebody was missing – and occasionally somebody was missing! – The eldest boys slipped out for two reasons, i.e. one of two reasons. Either they had gone night fishing. But nobody would tell them that. Or the head moniteur would perhaps believe they had gone to the city, to look for women. Because we were 12, 13 years old, it was not our problem. But there were some boys there who were 18. And then they had to be watched! An absence like that would naturally mean suspension. Not having spent the night inside.”
Of course, not everything punished can be qualified as conscious resistance. Such a thing depends naturally on very concrete circumstances and the individual disposition of people. That is also clear from the answers that the interviewees gave when they were asked about it. To the question of whether there was a good understanding between the teachers and pupils Boimbo’s convinced answer was: “Yes. We plotted. There was an alliance. We got on together very well!” After this he confirmed the hypothesis that the picture of the always obedient pupil was not correct but that a great deal happened that was not supposed to, mainly behind the backs of the missionaries.

By her own admission, Mama Julienne Aboli was also a good, though difficult, pupil. She loved to use make-up, something that the Sisters forbade at school. She liked to wear a pagne instead of the school uniform. That was not allowed at school but on their way to school the girls did this anyway; it was probably a sort of rebellious deed against “the authorities”. That was a risky undertaking, for if they were caught they got into difficulties on two fronts: at school for wearing the clothes and at home because it was confiscated. But they also had to take responsibility for other business: “One of my fellow students was called Hélène Adokozima and she gave birth. Nevertheless, she was a clever girl. And there she gave birth! And I was a bad girl! Well, when she gave birth, we went to visit her. During Mass, I was called: ‘Why did you go to visit Adokozima? Why?’ I was given punishment. I was suspended from school: ‘You went to visit a person who gave birth in mortal sin.’ ‘The person who has sinned is not her! It is me!” And this reply (by me) caused the suspension.”

An answer such as this must indeed be seen as a conscious act of resistance, insofar as Aboli must have known that this answer was much too frank. This resistance really did not go very far, which is obvious from the outcome of the incident. “Then we had a religious Sister who taught us dressmaking, her name was Reine Karl. She came to the house. She said: ‘Come! You are almost finished. Simply come and ask for pardon.’ I went there – what else could I have done? – I asked for pardon so that I could do the exams.“[xiv] Aboli had no choice. Taking the examinations, and thus being able to progress in the school system and keep the chance of a diploma and a future, played a strong part. She had to ask forgiveness for a deed that she supported. It is difficult not to see this as a technique to break possible resistance. Both in the interviews with missionaries and correspondence in the MSC archives a great many references to the expulsion of pupils as a punishment can be found. The schoolgirl’s reaction shows that the school exercised real power.

In the presence of this power factor in the lives of the pupils, different sorts of reactions were possible. Someone like Boale presented an image of himself as a well-behaved pupil. That was given in an unconscious way but this only made it clearer. When our conversation came to the point of learning French, I asked him what opinion the pupils had about it. I then asked him if they also demonstrated in favour of this to the teachers or missionaries. To this he answered, somewhat piqued, as if I had said something very stupid, and the following conversation ensued:

Boale: But yes, but I am going to return the question: When you were under the Dutch authority, were there laws that could be contested? Congo has been colonised by the Belgians. Just as once, they should prepare food to eat for the prisoners. Can the prisoners claim the right of eating sufficiently? Just like Europeans do? No! It’s to show you that the curriculum had to be followed to the letter. It never disappeared. We said to each other: What will we do with Mongo (Lomongo, JB), but anyway.  
JB: But you thought about it anyway?
Boale: The thought was not expressed!
JB: But there was anyway…
Boale: Yes! Just like you think about your future now and later. We thought about that. It exists inside all of us.
JB: But you didn’t talk about it?
Boale: No no! If you talk about it, you go to prison or you get expelled. Sister Josepha or Father Superior, it’s not they who made the curriculum! The curriculum was made here!

Boale had completely accepted the omnipresent authority and control and considered it to be a normal fact of his life. That actually was true for each of the three gentlemen I interviewed: they hadn’t found the authority so difficult or in any case did not let that be seen.

Specific memories of school and school times
4.1. School lessons
In general it was easier to get the interviewees to talk about the circumstances under which they went to school, and the context in which that happened, than about what happened in the classroom. This observation is also true for the people who were interviewed in Kinshasa, although that can partly be explained by the more brief and general character of the conversations. In fact, I was already conscious of the difficulty of getting detailed descriptions of classroom behaviour before the interviews began. Simply thinking about some possible questions and applying them to my own time at school was sufficient to realise this.

Boale talked about the curriculum and considered what was presented to him at school as similar to the Belgian curriculum. He thought the two ran in parallel, although that was in fact impossible. The fact that he had to learn much about Belgium convinced him that this was really the case: “The curriculum implemented at that time was completely the same as in Belgium. It only differed in the language because of the geography … we studied the geography of Belgium. When I was at primary school in Bokote, I already knew the 9 provinces of Belgium! And the Schelde and the Meuse and things like that!” He was at primary school from the end of the Second World War, so the changes that followed from the reforms of 1948 can hardly have affected him.

Not many memories surfaced about the subject matter to be learnt. After some questions about the causeries Boale did remember that fables were told: “For example La Fontaine (sic) and also Victor Hugo.” When I referred, in my conversation with Indenge, to the remark frequently made that the history lessons were mainly about Belgian history, he originally answered that there had in fact been a start with Congolese history. I asked him what the content of that was and he referred to the division of the colony into territories, the evolution of the administrative divisions, the travels of Stanley and Livingstone, the exploration travels of the Portuguese in the sixteenth century and the struggle against the slave trade. Indeed, nothing was said at all about ‘pre-colonial’ history. He also insisted on mentioning lessons in physical education, for he remembered those very well: “There was athletics. There was no swimming because we did not have a swimming pool and there was football, which in my opinion was as much a part of physical education as leisure (…) There was consequently athletics that consisted of long jump, high jump and then, how do you say, sprinting, what else? There was no gymnastics on the horse and all that, no. There was also wrestling.”

Besides this, I mainly tried to reconstruct the techniques the teachers used when teaching. Repetition also came to the fore as a leading principle in the interviews. The master began a lesson with the repetition of the material from the previous lesson. He tried to find out if everything had been understood by questioning a few pupils. This could not take too long, for often a lesson was only half an hour: “And if the pupils truly hadn’t understood, we mixed yesterday’s lesson with today’s.” According to Jean Indenge that was also one of the most important elements. “When teaching, because teaching really was better than that of today… we could not proceed to the next lesson without repeating what had already been seen.” In addition he emphasised that repetition during the lesson was in fact a necessary element for the pupils: “We did not have any parents to stand behind (us, JB) we always repeated, it was not possible to progress without having understood what had been done. And naturally there were some slowcoaches, who either had limited intellectual capacity due to their age or had been born like that but they did not understand or they understood late!”

Indenge was also convinced that this was a good method. It was what the pupils needed at that time. “It was not possible to go too fast like that. It was something entirely new that had to be put into the head of a person, so it had to be exact and certain so that he had sufficient comprehension, so that there was more or less complete assimilation.” Indenge did not seem to want to say that the requirement for repetition was a logical consequence of the lower intelligence of the Congolese, in comparison with others. He even compared it with how it is done now in schools and drew the conclusion from this that much repetition was certainly better, although he implicitly conceded that the subject matter to be learned was not very broad. But that was exactly an additional reason to have a better grasp of the little that they got: “What we notice today is that we are always running behind. (…) And the number of courses, just see what there is today, there is a plethora, there are a lot of subjects the young people learn today! So they have to run after time. But there, there was something very precise, we taught such and such a thing for the future. So it was essential to master the little we learnt absolutely, there was nothing else for it.”

4.2. Religiosity
Something that seemed obvious at that time and consequently was probably perceived in a rather unconscious way, is the religious character of the life as set up in the school and, by extension, at the mission. It is, again, not very explicitly present in the stories that the people tell about it afterwards but it is there. It often creeps into particular expressions they use or the way in which they refer to particular things. It is also dependent on the career they have had since. Mama Bongondo recounted the story of the beginning of her professional career as a teacher. After she had mentioned the – for her totally unexpected – decision by the Sisters to put her in front of the class, she said the following: “I was given a timetable. That was not too complicated for us with the Catholics, we started school with the catechism, you see? As I was also taught the Catechism.” At another point she just wanted to make clear to the interviewer where she had got to in the chronology of her story and to make it clear that she was talking about the 1950s: “Then we have passed 1950… The Holy Year was 1950”.

In fact, I hardly talked about religious aspects with Stéphane Boale. Still, it was very obvious from different details that he was very religious. On my first visit to him, he suddenly suggested praying before we started the interview. Later he repeated the following message a few times: “In relation to the teachings of Jesus Christ, we are deaf and dumb. We had to be talked to through signs.” At a certain moment we were talking about the possibilities of relaxation at the boarding school. Because he was talking about the cinema, I asked him if anything was organised by the missionaries to keep the boys busy after school, too: “No, at the primary school level, no, cinema was rather at the teacher training college level. But if not distractions, there were prayers, that was checked; there were the scouts.” Boale was the only one who said anything about the youth movement; the other two had not been involved in it or did not mention it. In contrast he told me that he had been in the scouts movement and in the “crusades”. He was not in fact able to describe what the crusaders did exactly. “It formed character”. And at the scouts civic values and Christian charity were learned.

Indenge and Boimbo, whom in the meantime had clearly distanced themselves from their religious upbringing, still recounted stories about the obligatory attendance of mass. At five or six o’clock in the morning the boys had to go to mass before they had anything to eat. Even the ones who lived in the neighbourhood and could sleep in at home had to get up at that early hour for assembly and to go to mass. Their presence was checked by the moniteurs, who were also obliged to take part in the church service: “If you were not there, you were asked why you had not come and if there was no reason, you were punished.” They also talked about religion lessons, catechetics, religious history. It was again very clear from these stories how important the religious aspect was in the curriculum but they did not seem to be very concerned about it. For each of them religious education was pretty much a practical concern. Neither of them had been baptised as a Catholic, considering that they had spent their early youth in a Protestant environment. They therefore had to know their bible story perfectly (“the Gospels”), to be baptised: “And well, you must reply, knowing religion perfectly, the gospels, each gospel that was given, we repeated.”

Indenge came back to this later in the conversation. I asked him what he thought at that time about the important place that religion played in the curriculum. According to him the boys were not concerned about it: “We did not think about it. We followed and succeeded. If you did not succeed you would not be baptised. If you were not baptised, you were not a son of God!” I remarked that he therefore, perhaps unconsciously, must have had a certain desire to be a part of ‘God’s World’. He did not agree with that. Boys of 12, 13 years old did not think about that, he replied. Baptism much more signified entry to further studies: “We went to school where we left with a certificate that allowed you a kind of ascendancy… You wanted to finish because in that way you would reach a certain class. That is all! So, in order to succeed, everything you were given, you were obliged to learn whether you wanted to or not and to pass the exam.” That would open doors in the world and allow the pupils to be like others. A second element also surfaced: the appreciation of the people at home, in their original environment, where quite often there was nobody who had a certificate or diploma. It was therefore just as much a symbol of social prestige.

4.3. French
French was the ‘subject’ most talked about by everyone. Boale was the most cautious in his comments. He suspected that back then the pupils were already reflecting on what they were going to do later with the Lomongo they had to learn at the MSC school. It was difficult to get him to say that because he did not seem to understand properly what I was getting at. Afterwards, everyone found it natural that they had not had enough French at school, he said. He assumed that the pupils also thought that, but he swore to me that nobody could ever talk about it. Clearly, the fear of punishment was too great for that.

Indenge immediately described the special significance that French had for the children at that time: “After the second year, we knew the grammar of our native language perfectly, we knew religious history, we had been baptised. In the third year we already felt slightly different because that was when the French lessons started. There were French lessons from the beginning of the third year.” The content of most subjects was repeated, at least in part, each year, but the difference was, Indenge said, that as from the third year school books in French were used instead of the books in the mother tongue. He also explained the way in which French was taught: “Eh, there was that, explanations that such and such meant that. That is what you would call French-Lomongo. The introduction, and after that, we only spoke in French. And from time to time, when we had a reading book, on such and such a lesson, we would read and sometimes there were things that were unpronounceable for their level. Well that, they were things they explained to us, pronunciation and what it meant. We were asked the question. Because to some extent we dropped our mother tongue and entered into French but we had to know what these words meant in our own language! Consequently, it was not possible simply to read ‘Je suis, j’ai été, etc. etc.’ to the end, like that, no! We were asked for explanations. We had to explain in Lomongo!” It is clear from this that they were trying to reach a form of direct method, without really abandoning Lomongo as the language of education.

It has already been shown that Boimbo was yet more interested in French as a medium for social promotion. He raised the question of the ‘forbidden’ French lessons himself and immediately made the connection with the intention of the MSC to educate the children as much as possible in Lomongo and to put the study of French off as long as possible. I asked him explicitly again if he had thought the same about it at that time. He was formal: “We wanted to speak French. We agreed with the masters and were against the priests. Because they did not want us to learn French.” Only afterwards, looking at the matter from a distance, he adopted these insights. It is not at all certain that the Fathers had shared their arguments for their choice of Lomongo with the pupils at that time, but in any event Boimbo had only recognised the value of it afterwards: “But when you think about it, in the long term, it was not bad. But they should have combined the two. When you combine the two you would learn better than those who only learn French. Because they do not know their own language. And we can see the effects of that here, the Congolese born here, they do not have a culture. They are different. They do not know the language, our proverbs, our mechanisms. The respect of the old. They do not have any African and Congolese culture.”

The pupils considered French an important motor for social promotion. That was also apparent from the story of Mama Bongondo. It was just at the time that the first words of French were taught to them that she began to dream of a real job. With her, just as with Boimbo, the attitude of the missionaries on that subject was very important in the judgement they pronounced on them. Bongondo declared in her interview that the girls from her school were only satisfied with the education given by the Sisters when they began to learn French. In one of the other interviews the interviewee considered the question of whether the education that he had received at the primary school should be considered inferior. He preferred to describe it as an education that was adapted to the needs of the coloniser and mentioned as a first criterion: ‘knowing good French’. In comparisons between pupils, language returned as the criterion: “x writes French better than y, although he only did two years beyond primary school”. Finally it surfaced in the evaluation of girls’ education: “Our mothers and even our spouses had not learned to hold a conversation in French. They were made to stay in the kitchen.”[xv] French was a world language, Lomongo was much more for the back rooms of civilisation.

The long-term effects: what has been retained?
Edward Berman already wrote in the 1970s about African reactions to the missionaries.[xvi] He collected a number of stories spread over the whole continent of Africa. Most testimonies in his book came from English-speaking colonies but there was also one from the Congo. This told the story of an Angolese-Congolese man who went to a school in the south of the Congo, run by the Franciscans. He concluded his story with a general evaluation about the time with the missionaries: “In retrospect I feel that the missionaries have done a great deal for me; without them I certainly would not be where I am today. They taught me self-discipline; their insistence on defining and reaching stated goals has been very helpful. The philosophy behind missionary education, at least in my case, was to make me a Roman Catholic priest so that one day I could ‘save’ Angolans for the Church. But it was never clear what I should save them for, or from.” It is obvious that the narrator had profited from his time at school and the knowledge he had acquired and had later been able to use. Furthermore, afterwards he declared explicitly that this had been a conscious choice: “The missionaries had certain aims and goals for me: they wanted me to be a good Catholic, to go to church everyday and to live their version of a Christian life. (…) While they used me for their purposes, I used the missionaries for my purposes. I think this is a fairly common pattern.”

The narrator then makes it apparent that he was actually never planning to become a priest and had originally wanted to follow a completely different course of education. He was then forced by circumstances to follow secondary education with the priests at the seminary because his family wanted him to do so: “My uncle had the support of my father, who felt that several years at the seminary would provide a very strong background for other, non-priestly endeavours. After all, he and his brother studied at a minor seminary for several years, with no intention of becoming priests. For them Catholic education at the secondary level was the best available.” This claim makes one suspect that there was a sort of distance between the external behaviour and the internal aims of the youths attending school and that this was true even from the previous generation. It sounds as if they conformed outwardly but rebelled internally. That is very clearly apparent in the huge contradiction between two statements in the last paragraph of this story. On the one hand the person concerned states that the missionaries had done a great deal for him: “Without them I certainly would not be where I am today.” On the other, he concluded: “During my schooldays there was, and remains today, a strong resentment towards the missionaries.”

In this testimony two important characteristics of the attitude of the colonised towards the colonisers come to the fore. Firstly: wrath and anger. In spite of the fact that the missionaries had provided an upbringing by which they had made particular skills their own and through these had been able to achieve some things in their lives, the Congolese were certainly not unqualifiedly positive towards their schoolmasters. Secondly, and following from this: the quid pro quo, or to put it another way, the fact that the colonised themselves also made strategic use of the coloniser and not just the opposite. These two elements also came to the fore in the conversations that I had myself.

5.1. “Resentment”: the paper by minister “Renquin”
Jean Indenge was very well prepared for the interview. After our first conversation, which lasted about three hours, we made another appointment because he was very interested and because I wanted to look again at a number of subjects with him. During this meeting, which took place in his café, he brought “the document” up in conversation at a certain point. Indenge’s friends, who had come to sit with us, obviously knew what it was about. “The document” turned out to be a speech, which according to Indenge had been given by the first Belgian minister of the colonies, Renkin.[xvii] The text contained so-called guidelines from the minister to the first missionaries who came to the Congo. In extremely explicit language it was made clear to them how they must behave towards the Congolese. In summary it seems from this text that the missionaries had to function as an auxiliary of the colonial administration and in this capacity to teach the Congolese to be docile, to turn their attention away from the economic exploitation of the land and try to enrol them as a workforce. The text was, in short, a direct insult to the Congolese and was perceived as such by Indenge and his friends.

As the discussion of this text threatened to steer our conversation in the wrong direction, I did not go any further into it at that point. It was only much later, when I studied the text in detail, that it became clear to me that the text was completely unsound. The name of the minister was not only misspelled (“Renquin“), the source that was noted there referred to a Congolese newspaper, L’Avenir Colonial Belge, of October 1920. At that time Renkin had not been minister of the colonies for almost two years. There is no doubt that the text is a historical forgery. Anyway, it is possible to find different versions of this text and these are discussed on Congolese websites and forums on the internet. Each of these texts seems to contain more flagrant historical faults than the last: on one of the websites I found Renkin was introduced as governor of Kinshasa in 1883. If that had been true, the subsequent prime minister would have begun his career very young: he was then only 21 years old.[xviii] However, all versions naturally emphasise the injustice of the colonial order: “The following is an extract from his welcome speech, also serving as directives and regulations to be followed in the colony. The Belgian minister of the colonies talked to the missionaries who had just arrived in the Congo in order to evangelise it. You can find lies, cynicism, mixed with the policy of exploitation and racism in the head of the Belgians in relation to the Congolese citizens, our grandparents. It is that, the troubled heritage of the Congolese on the part of the Belgian colonists (sic). Alas! We should read and realise from where we come and assume an attitude that defies this past and we should inform our children: the best way to prepare for the future of our people, our rate and our culture. (Franklin Katunda)“[xix]

The way in which Indenge laid the document in front of me fitted in well with the position he had previously assumed. He was very interested, had thought out what he wanted to say well and had clearly also prepared himself in writing. He was happy that someone was coming to listen to his story. During the interview I noticed that on different subjects he formulated very negative criticism of the missionaries. The living conditions, in terms of food and lodging, the heavy work the boys had to carry out and the sometimes unreasonable strictness of the missionaries (the fact that they were not even allowed to pick up fruit that had fallen from the Fathers’ trees, in particular) were still painful memories for him. He still got angry about these subjects. When I asked him at the end of the first conversation (and thus before he put the famous document in front of me) what had stayed with him the most, looking back on the period, he gave me a rather neutral answer: “The aim of the education was to help the colonial authorities to administer this large, extensive territory that is the Congo.” As an answer, it sounded rather strange; it was somewhat general and sounded much less personal than I had expected. However, he stuck by his comment and repeated again: “The aim of education was generally to relieve the colonial authorities of some work in all areas.” Teachers first, just because there was a general need for education and subsequently auxiliaires for office work, assistants for agriculture and for doctors and so forth.

Although the comment was put in rather neutral terms, it could indeed be interpreted as critical. On the question of the degree to which he had been conscious of it at that time, he conceded that he had found this situation normal. I then asked him when he had begun to take a critical position towards the education he had enjoyed. That was much later, he said. In his answer he went on immediately to the fact that the education had been ‘too slow’. By this he meant that the evolution to a fully-fledged educational system had progressed much too slowly: “When did we notice that we were late, that we should go faster? That was when we started to be put together with the Europeans and to demand the same advantages. Then we were told ‘Ah, but you haven’t seen that, and that…’. So, we thought to ourselves: ‘But whose fault is that?’ so that is why I say that the Catholics were the cause of the slowness and that the liberals had to come to improve everything.” During the interview, Indenge consequently did not so much speak out critically about the fact that the pupils were used in the colonial system but more about the attitude of the colonisers, particularly the Catholics, who had curbed the development of education too much. Indirectly there is a criticism of the coloniser ‘keeping down’ the population but that had to be inferred, it was not explicitly present on the surface.

Jean Boimbo was much more explicit. Mention was already made of the importance that he attached to learning French and the consequences or the judgements he associated with that. Boimbo later said that the missionaries were partially right in their preference for the local languages. The fact that he and his contemporaries had seen that differently at the time was because of their haste to make progress. Nevertheless, the only time he became at all excited during the interview was when he was talking about the missionaries and their manoeuvres to slow down the development of the Congolese. What he said then was especially revealing: “They were the colonisers! They participated in the colonisation! All the administrators, before coming to the Congo, went to the colonial school in Antwerp. There they were taught how to live with the blacks. And I do not know whether Indenge gave you a photocopy of the speeches there. And the missionaries they were also in on it! They were security agents! And they kept us back, they kept us back…” Boimbo therefore makes an explicit connection between the curbing attitude of the missionaries and the allegations in the document from Indenge.

The tenor of this document is, of course, very explicit. It contains a summing up of all that could be imputed to the colonial system and its collaborators, written in a very critical and even reproachful tone. According to the text there could be no doubt that the missions and the administration had made very definite agreements about the strategy they would use against the colonised people. The fact that both Indenge and Boimbo referred to this text shows that they still cherish the fundamental distrust towards the role the missionaries played in the Belgian Congo. The fact that this text also circulates on the Internet makes one also suspect that it is a relatively well-known text. What significance must be ascribed to this, apart from the more than enormous question marks about the authenticity of this document as a source of historical research? It is certain that some Congolese (including the interviewees) agree eagerly with the interpretation of colonisation that is made in it. According to this interpretation evangelisation was not the most important task of the missionaries: “Your role essentially consists of facilitating the duties of the administrators and the industrialists“, the text states literally. The Good News was mainly supposed to serve to prevent the Congolese from acquiring material wealth. It was therefore not so much about what the missionaries taught or the principles they proclaimed, but about their complicity with the administration. This was experienced negatively in any case, as an oppressor. Ceuppens suggested in her book about colonisation in the memory of the Congolese that this complicity recurs regularly in the imagery and often takes the form of a conspiracy theory. She added: “On the other hand some Congolese do in fact retain good memories of specific colonial Belgians, especially missionaries.”[xx] That also came out in the three conversations that I had, although in a different manner.

5.2. “Strategic” pupils?
Indenge had very clear memories of Father Pattheeuws, who arrived at the mission post in the 1950s.[xxi] According to Indenge the Father was considered “rather unruly” but on closer acquaintance seemed to be a very good man. The fact that he did his best to provide the boys with decent food was particularly appreciated by Indenge: “Well, I still remember that I was in the group responsible for preparing the food. And that like usual we were given the pig’s skin. He arrived, he asked “what is that?” we explained to him that it was the food that we were given to eat. He got angry and threw it, he went to look for anything with the Sisters, real meat and from that day on we ate real meat!” Besides, the new Father made sure the boys got soap to wash themselves, which was novel at that time. The fact that he could get shockingly angry or kick the boys did not outweigh the positive impression that Indenge had of him.

Jean Boimbo was also more outspoken on strategic thinking. Probably the difference between the two men has a lot to do with temperament or character traits. From the stories that Boimbo had told me about former times I got the idea that he already knew well what he wanted. He conspired with the moniteurs, behind the missionaries’ backs. He was also one of those who made a quick career after independence. That he was a person who knew how to deal with problems was obvious from his achievements at school. He made it, as Indenge also did, to capita (prefect). But in contrast to Indenge he seemed to attach much more importance to it and above all remembered the advantages that the position had brought him. As head of a team of raffia workers he had a rather luxurious position, for he was exempt from the heavy work that the other boys had to do. Later, too, in the teacher training college, he reached the level of serveur of the Brothers, which undoubtedly again allowed him to live in relatively comfortable circumstances.

Boimbo made very negative comments about the MSC and he did that very explicitly and spontaneously: “I must tell you something about the MSC: The Sacred Hearts were not made for teaching. And then, the majority of the priests sent to us were not interested in education. And there were a lot of Flemings, who did not speak French well.” Taking this position was very clearly directed against the MSC, for he even made a comparison with other congregations: the Brothers of the Christian Schools were, like the Jesuits, certainly intelligent and suited to education. He did mention one MSC member to whom he attributed positive characteristics. Father Cuypers was also one of the Fathers of the new generation:[xxii] “There was a new parish priest (sic), who had been to the university and he did not agree with the policies of the old priests because we were not taught French. He came and gave French lessons himself in the fourth and fifth years. The moniteurs were seated and he gave the lesson. Grammatical analysis, logical analysis, French expressions, yes, yes.”

Both Indenge and Boimbo certainly referred once to a missionary or a Sister of whom they had good memories. In both of those cases that seemed to have a lot, if not all, to do with material advantages. The suggestion of the strategic ‘use’ of the coloniser by the colonised, here placed in the context of education and upbringing, must really be taken with a pinch of salt for another reason. It looks strongly like an interpretation that those concerned gave to their own life history in retrospect. At least we get this impression if we go by the testimonies that I collected. It does not look as if there were any conscious tactics or strategies put into effect by the pupils. Certainly, Indenge often let it be known during the conversation that he had only later become conscious of many mechanisms and processes which were going on at school. Boimbo, in contrast, made it appear that he had the reins in his hands from the start. He not only created that image by the way in which he told his tale, to my explicit question about whether he was already conscious of the importance of his actions, he answered without blinking: “For my part I was always a very ambitious person.” He also stated that it was thanks to his ambition that he was able to go to teacher training college. Still, it remains difficult to evaluate how consciously someone acted at the time or whether, on the other hand, he had rationalised it post hoc and cast it into his story.

5.3. History according to Boale
My third ‘crown witness’ seemed to approach it all in a different way. He seemed, in contrast to the two others, not to be concerned with a critical analysis of the colonial occurrences in general or colonial education in particular. I referred earlier to the problems that we had, or that I had, while talking to each other. Particularly typical was his reaction when I asked specific questions about occurrences or facts that he told me. He repeatedly reacted very defensively or with rhetorical questions, in the sense of “would you have done it differently?” For example, when I asked him whether he had found it normal as a pupil that he had to learn certain things: “Well yes, for example, would you contradict your parents, when they discussed the food they were going to prepare? Well no, you would accept it! Exactly! And we, we were colonised by those people and at that time no black would go and say that the Congolese should not study Belgian geography.” Or he tried to make the things that he told me plausible, by highlighting the difference between Congolese and Belgian circumstances: “You see, it is different from here. Here people live very close together and they are a lot younger when they start education.” That in doing this he often unconsciously did make a point is not the question here. From these and other ways of reacting I could deduce that he had internalised his upbringing very strongly and did not question it to this day. He often gave the impression that he preferred the course of affairs then to the present one.

On another occasion we got into a discussion about the way in which he told me about certain occurrences. I corrected him a number of times, from the point of view that I must be able to make a distinction between what he himself had experienced and what he had ‘heard said’. At these times it was clear that we started from different views of what was ‘true’. The verifiability of facts and data was not at all as important to him as it was to me. At a certain moment I made a summary of facts that he had told me about his father at our first meeting. At this he told me that these were really about occurrences that he had learnt by being told and probably through his own reading, too. I understood that they did not necessarily have anything to do with his father. I reacted with irritation and told him that he had therefore really told me wrong things. To which he answered: “Well ok, that is why I tell you: we need to be together to correct it, History is something one tells you.” He thought it was quite normal to gather historical knowledge out of stories that he had heard and saw no problems in the knowledge being modified as a function of what other people added or changed.

At my second visit to Boale he passed me a paper on which he had written a text with the title “Création des écoles du village“. He was probably wrongly convinced that I wanted general information from him about education in the area. I had nevertheless made it clear why I had come and had specified that it was about his personal testimony, about what he had himself experienced. In the story that he had written down there was not a word about conspiracies against the Congolese. The classical role was attributed to the missionaries in his text: “They came to evangelise the Belgian Congo in order to allow all the Congolese men and women to be baptised according to their mission entrusted by His Majesty King Leopold II.” The schools were set up for evangelisation because writing was necessary to spread the word of God. After a time, the catechists had convinced their superiors of the necessity of expanding the schools further. The superiors had then informed the administration and this had then begun to award subsidies. That was the start of education that was given following a set curriculum, in contrast to the first rural schools of the catechists.

Boale’s text is only two pages long and is a very summary and concise description of the occurrences. In any case the text helped me to better situate his person. What he writes fits in perfectly with the way of writing history at the time of colonisation and the text also contains marked reminders of the style of old school books. It reinforces my interpretation of Boale’s attitude towards his school history. He did not feel the need to treat it critically. During my conversations with him that seemed to be very difficult. A good example of this is the moment, during our third conversation, when we talked about the food at the boarding school. Boale’s wife was in the room with us at that point and followed the conversation from a distance. I had heard from Jean Indenge that the pupils got too little to eat and wanted to check what he thought of that. He answered that enough food was given in the boarding school but that the pupils could certainly go out to buy food for themselves if they wanted to. Considering the earlier misunderstandings in our conversation and remembering the remarks of Indenge, I did not find that a satisfactory answer. I remarked laughing that Indenge probably had a larger appetite than Boale. At that moment a discussion started between Boale and his wife, of which I only understood fragments. She seemed not to agree with him. When I again asked if the boarders in general got enough to eat, he said to me: “Eh, if there was no money, how could we make a substantial meal?”

From reactions such as this I deduced that he showed an inclination to approach the occurrences of the past uncritically, not to call them into question or to see them in rosier colours than they really were. As was stated in the introduction to this chapter, distortions can arise in the reminiscences that someone tells about their past on many grounds. Still, I got the impression that Boale had just had good experiences with school and the missionaries, that he had simply internalised many things and was therefore simply a good product of his upbringing: obedient and with a great deal of admiration and understanding for the missionaries and other masters.

Conclusion
From the stories told by the eyewitnesses about the past it is primarily obvious that it is not only the past for them but also that it has stayed with them throughout their lives. That can be seen above all in the way they talk about it. It would be difficult, and in this case not very sensible, to draw general conclusions on the basis of these interviews about the way in which the colonial school brought up the people involved. It is even difficult to work out how much the education they enjoyed influenced them in later life, in a positive or negative sense. It seems evident that it did play a role but even between these three people great differences can be seen in the way that this has happened. We cannot even state that all three have come to Belgium thanks to their education. What they do have in common is the awareness that the school could bring them something. It is clear that each dealt with it in their way. One was an obedient pupil, one was a dedicated disciple, and the third a cunning strategist.

That certainly does not prevent these conversations providing useful information in the context of this research. It shows after all that, quite apart from all the problems as experienced and stated by the évolués in the 1950s, the school represented an element of great value in the lives of the young Congolese. They did not always appreciate why but Western education exercised a great power of attraction on them. They were drawn, as it were, into that education. As soon as they came to school they were taken up in the unique, internal logic of that education, in which performance was demanded. The school, education, presented itself as the key to the future, although that future was not always clearly perceived.

Separate from all this, the testimonies from these people confirm that the school was a very structured, disciplined and disciplining machine. Again, in the memories of the Congolese, order, discipline and good manners are at the forefront as the central concepts of education. The stories also give more colour to the factual data, such as the existence of resistance, the importance of the knowledge of languages. Above all, a portrait of the opposing players, the missionaries, is shown in a way it could not and would not be done by themselves. That portrait is certainly one of remote but constantly present controllers. The former pupils also still appear to cherish mixed feelings with respect to their masters. They sometimes appear thankful for the chances missionary education gave them but at other times angry because of the feeling of restriction and suppression they retain from their interaction with the missionaries.

NOTES
[i] Jean Indenge on the time he left the village of his birth on the way to the mission school. [original quotation in French]
[ii] Jewsiewicki, B. (1993). Naître et mourir au Zaïre. Un demi-siècle d’histoire au quotidien. Paris: Karthala; Jewsiewicki, B. & Montal, F. (ed.) (1988). Récits de vie et mémoires; vers une anthropologie historique du souvenir. Paris-Québec: L’Harmattan-Safi.
[iii] Dembour, M.B. (2000). Recalling the Belgian Congo: conversations and introspection. London: Berghahn Books.
[iv] Fabian, J. (2003). Forgetful Remembering: A colonial life in the Congo. In Africa, LXXIII, 4, p. 489-505.
[v] These conversations have already been referred to but because they form the main source of this chapter, I give the full references again. The main subject matter is the conversations I had with Jean Indenge (in Brussels, on 14 July and 14 October 2003), with Stéphane Boale (in St.Joost-ten-Noode, on 18 and 22 September and 24 October 2003) and with Jean Boimbo (in Ukkel, on 25 September 2003). Besides this I have, insofar as possible, also referred to and made use of the material collected by Filip De Boeck and Césarine Bolya, at interviews in Kinshasa, taken during September 2003.
[vi] I was brought into contact with these gentlemen through Césarine Bolya. She was also good enough to introduce me to Jean Indenge.
[vii] The “Plans” referred to were Plans de développement, plans for the economic and social development of the country, in the spirit of the ten-year plans of the colonial times.
[viii] The extensive quotations from the interviews that I use here are the result of transcriptions that I made myself. I reproduce the text as literally as possible, in principle, including grammatically incorrect constructions, in order to leave the atmosphere and content of the story of those concerned as intact as possible. I have tried to add a few indications to the text (punctuation, adjectives, changes to the tenses of verbs) where that was really necessary for the comprehension of the written text.
[ix] A “l’union fait la force” refers in this context to civil servants or the military, who wore a uniform with a hat on which the Belgian national arms were inscribed.
[x] “Autobiographie d’Ekoko Munzenga”. In Jewsiewicki, B. (1993). Naître et mourir au Zaïre. Un demi-siècle d’histoire au quotidien. Paris: Karthala, p. 155-184.
[xi] Interview by Césarine Bolia with Mama Joséphine Nana Bongondo, at Mama Victorine Ndjoli’s place – rue Itaga – Kinshasa – 29 September 2003. [original quotation in French]
[xii] By solutionnaires Boale meant teachers’ answer books that included the solutions to the questions, these were probably just textbooks.
[xiii] Originally in French: “Entrer au Salut”, translated into Dutch as “Naar het Lof gaan” or “go to mass” (“religious afternoon or evening practice”).
[xiv] Interview by Césarine Bolia with Mama Julienne Aboli, 29 September 2003, at Mama Victorine Ndjoli Elonga’s place – rue Itaga – Kinshasa.
[xv] Interview by Césarine Bolya with Bernard Kasusula Djuma Lokali, Kinshasa, 29 September 2003. Strangely enough the opposite system also occurred: in the testimony of another man, who had been to school with the Marist Brothers in the Eastern province, it was related that French was obliged to be spoken and that it was forbidden to speak Swahili. Interview by Césarine Bolya with Donat Salehe Kimbulu, Kinshasa, 16 September 2003.
[xvi] Berman, E.H. (1975). African reactions to missionary education. New York: Teachers College Press.
[xvii] The complete text is in Appendix 12.
[xviii] See the biographical note in Dellicour, F. (1954). Renkin (Jules-Laurent-Jean-Louis). In Bibliographie Belge d’Outre-Mer. kol. 747-753.
[xix] Commentary with the text of the ‘speech’ to be found on www.congoboston.com, a community website for Congolese and Africans in the United States.
[xx] Ceuppens, B. (2003). Onze Congo? Congolezen over de kolonisatie. Leuven: Davidsfonds.
[xxi] Karel Pattheeuws (1912-1981). Worked from 1946 in Bokuma, after that as a travelling Father in the area of Bokote. From 1951 he was responsible for the schools in Wafanya. Vereecken, J. (1992). Wij gedenken. Derde reeks biografische schetsen van MSC van de Belgische Provincie. Borgerhout: MSC. p. 53.
[xxii] Louis Cuypers (1916-1999) worked in Coquilhatville between 1946 and 1957 and was at that time baccalaureus in religion. Later, in 1961, he received the degree of Doctor of Canon Law and from 1967 he was a special lecturer in the faculty of Canon Law at the University of Leuven. De Rop, A. & Vlaminck, J. (1971). Bibliografie van de Missionarissen van het H. Hart Belgische Provincie 1921-1971. Borgerhout: MSC. p. 50; MSC Jaarboek van de Belgische Provincie 2001.

“It puzzled me that colonialism belonged to our recent past. Its legacy was bound to mark our present. I was eager to join in the current research on colonialism that was developing in anthropology. Having completed the study, I remain convinced the Congo was worthy of scholarly attention, although perhaps for different reasons. What strikes me now is that my research illuminates general human processes. I would say that its major significance lies less with either an understanding of the thoughts of Belgian former colonial officers (however these may be needed) or an implicit critique of the literature of the colonial discourse than with an acute perception of the difficulty of attaining knowledge in anthropology. In turn this should make us, as human beings, morally humble and wary of any claim whose legitimacy derives from an easy brand of political correctness. Such a conclusion is not specific of colonialism; it applies to all walks of life.”[i]

I have already tried to summarise the main points arising from the “descriptive” chapters in parts II and III in the considerations concluding these chapters. There is consequently little cause to do so again. Rather than repeating these conclusions in this section I would like to consider a number of elements that struck me while studying those realities and practices, and which seem important to me for a proper understanding of the past. It should allow me to formulate a number of considerations or questions concerning the meaning of that image and that past: what does it mean and how should we deal with it?

Colonial education: made in Belgium.
The image of the interaction between the missionaries and the pupils, the method of teaching used or which should have been used in the classroom, the material used – all this points in the same direction: the North. In the Belgian Congo a system was established that was not only loosely based on that implemented in the homeland but that was a very similar copy of it. It is true that a number of differences arose in the quantity of material taught and that a selection of that material was being made, ‘adapted’ to the local circumstances. That does not detract from the essential conclusion that in this case a western educational system was transplanted to the colony. With all its components: the framework, the buildings, the setting, the administrative body, the daily timetable, the teaching method and naturally also the discipline. The first reaction to this was undoubtedly: “But could it have been any different?” The fact that we find it hard to imagine anything else perhaps precisely indicates the importance of this conclusion. In any event it puts matters in the right perspective. In keeping with the quotation by Fabian which I cited in the introduction: we are used to looking back at colonial history and consequently also at the history of Belgian colonisation of the Congo from the perspective of the results achieved. As a result we often forget that it did not have to be like that. Our frameworks of reference restrict us and that is not any different with regard to colonial education.

Two major conclusions follow from this with regard to this study. Firstly, the discussion of the difference between adaptionism and assimilationism must first be brought back to its true proportions: discussions about differences in styles, about the way matters had to be approached. Both movements operated within a framework that remained western in essence. The question of whether indigenism, as a local variant of adaptionism, was also truly more progressive than assimilationism must be answered rather negatively. In the beliefs of the people who gave indigenism its name and who applied it themselves (Hulstaert, Boelaert and other MSC members) it may have been “progressive”. They wanted to defend the Congolese. That belief by Hulstaert and his followers may seem logical, insofar as they compared themselves to other people or groups of colonisers who were much less interested in the welfare of the Congolese. At the same time that is precisely where the shoe doesn’t fit. Hulstaert and his followers seem to act from a genuine conviction, often a type of moral indignation. However, in many cases that moral indignation of the MSC was aimed against modernity. They were truly concerned with the welfare of the Congolese but that primarily meant that they wanted to protect them from themselves and the modern world. However, the fact that at some times their assumptions contrasted sharply with those of the authorities or other players within colonial society gave the MSC an “alternative” aura. It is perhaps better not to say “progressive” because if we associate that with “emancipatory” we must conclude that the actions of the MSC show clear indications of the opposite. The way in which they handled the pupils in practice rather gives an image of a very paternalistic attitude.

A second conclusion is that there was a very great gap between the general, theoretical and fundamental beliefs on the one hand and the practice in the field on the other. At first sight this conclusion seems to fit well with the principle of the grammar of schooling, as formulated and explained by Depaepe and others. Expressed concisely, that principle claims that classroom practice is resistant to innovation to a relatively far-reaching extent. It claims that practice comprises a set of rules, habits, traditions, in which changes are imposed from above but are very hard to implement. The school practices in the Belgian Congo illustrate this very well but not necessarily because so many attempts at innovation were undertaken. This distance between theory and practice may be explained in more detail as a combination of a number of factors. Firstly, the existing (western) grammar had taken root to such an extent with the missionaries that it could literally be imported into an entirely different environment. The consequence thereof was that the missionaries automatically applied personal experiences in the new colonial context. That naturally also had a lot to do with the fact that the majority of missionaries also had a very limited, in some cases non-existent, theoretical background with regard to educational theory. The basis of colonial education was low on theory. Gustaaf Hulstaert is a telling example of this in the given context, precisely because he felt a need to improve his theoretical knowledge or at least to brush it up in the framework of the discussions (and the power struggle) he entered into with the Brothers of the Christian Schools.

The grammar of schooling also fitted well in the missionary context because it was embedded here in a strongly ideologically coloured environment. Evangelisation had to work from a strong moral mobilisation. Sending people to far-off regions, unaware exactly what was waiting for them, even if they were often driven by a desire for the unknown and adventure, could only succeed if those people were given solid support. In the documents concerning the missionary training it is clear that this support was offered to them through a strong religious experience. People who were imbued with faith were more able to cope with their mission. That this faith was given a traditional, conservative character, especially during the interbellum but also for a long time after that, was also shown clearly. Clearly this must also have influenced school life and the ideas about education. In other words innovative, modern ideas could only be given a chance in the colonial schools if they were adequately adapted to the religious, Catholic principles.

Concretely, the actual influence and moral authority of Gustaaf Hulstaert at the MSC and the aura of scientific study that he had built about around him was so overwhelming that it was hardly possible to do something innovative without him contradicting it. And he did so to a considerable extent. Both in his position as inspector and as a researcher he had very clear opinions that regularly brought him into conflict with other players. In his wake other MSC members also regularly came to blows about the education the Congolese should receive or the methods they wanted to implement in education. The fact that some subjects were heavily argued over did not however mean that others assumed an essentially different attitude with regard to the Congolese pupils. The other congregations active in the region under the supervision of the MSC should be placed predominately along the same line. The Brothers of the Christian Schools, who also specialised in education, did not differ essentially from others in this and fitted nicely into the colonial canvas. Even the fact that they argued for further Gallicising of education changes little, even if that allowed them to make a better show with the pupils, who considered French as one of the most important instruments for social promotion.

The players
In hindsight it is naturally easy to see the “larger picture” and to put a finger on it. I have already referred to the difficulty of always finding the correct balance and nuance in the assessment of the colonial system of power on the one hand and the players in that system on the other. Naturally, this relates to a problem that arises more often in scientific historical work. With the plea for modesty from the introduction in the back of one’s mind, I would still like to defend the claim that this study contributed to finding that balance and nuance and consequently is also situated in a historical critical movement. This does not relate to the discovery of striking new facts or data; it relates more to shifts in interpretations. Those interpretations relate to the image of the two groups that meet each other in the framework of colonial education. I would like to try here to describe these two groups better with regard to those interpretations.

The missionaries
The contemporary image of missionaries is clearly not the same as that thirty or forty years ago. I have the impression that today the traditional image of mission heroes that was naturally carefully cultivated by the church and the missionaries themselves over many years does not hold up to the same extent. Naturally, that is only my impression, which I have not based on any scientific research in that regard (which does not exist to my knowledge). Yet I still suspect that the presence and work of the missionaries in the colonial context is still mainly considered in so-called ‘evolutionary’ terms (today this is more likely called “development”). With that I mean that, to use a popular expression, it is still assumed that the missionaries went to the Congo to help people there. That aid is perhaps not always the same as “civilising” in the meaning given to it in the past. However, if that is not the case it does in any event still have the connotation of “helping people out of their misery”, ensuring an “improvement” in their situation.

Naturally, that is logical because missionary activity is also always considered in those terms and because during the decolonisation period the discourse of the Catholic church in Africa and the Congo almost seamlessly switched from evangelisation to development cooperation or aid. In addition the missionaries themselves undoubtedly left for Africa with the idea that they would “bring light into darkness”. In the sources researched in this study the testimonies and reactions of the missionaries in the field reflect that they were often dedicated to disciplining, training and educating young Congolese people. However, a number of convictions lay at the basis of that activity which are perhaps forgotten now or that have disappeared somewhat in the mists of time. If it is true that these missionaries carried out their work from a strong conviction, then it is surely necessary to situate and explain those convictions clearly here. Those convictions were primarily aimed at making the Africans, and more specifically young Africans, “good people” in the most Christian meaning of the word. The “mechanical” salvation of souls may have been a phenomenon for the Catholic Church that was part of the initial days of the colonisation, in essence the aims of the missions and evangelisation clearly remained geared to the expansion of the ecclesiastical sphere of influence.

Obviously the intention is not to judge and condemn the missionaries and their work in general. That was never my aim. That would be as pointless as the idolisation and even literal “canonisation” that was the case in the past. Firstly, the missionaries were obviously people of their time. Colonisation and even the economic exploitation of the Congolese territory, its riches and its inhabitants, was normal, acceptable or at least justified, depending on the source and the period. Secondly, the correspondence between “ordinary” missionaries clearly shows in a very different way that they were not at all heroes in practice and that the certainty or assertions of their convictions could sometimes waver. One of the MSC members I spoke to in the framework of this research told me that at some point while out there everybody experienced a moment of uncertainty when they asked themselves “what am I doing here?”. If the impression should appear from all the quotations and descriptions cited that I want to represent the missionaries in a negative light I would formally like to deny that here.

However what has become strikingly obvious to me from this research is precisely the contradiction between the very humane inspiration, the good intentions of the people who worked in practice (the missionaries) and the exploitative and oppressive nature of the colonial regime. That is visible in a great many different areas: The contradiction between the love for and simultaneously the deeply racist human conceptions about other people; the strictness, discipline, the often traumatising working conditions that were imposed on the basis of the conviction that it was for the greater good of the children; the conviction that it was better for the Congolese to reside in the countryside to develop a future in their own region and on the basis of their own traditional roots, while simultaneously trying with all their might to pull up those roots by combating typical institutions (family, balance of power, religion). The reactions of the Congolese in relation to the missionaries probably illustrate that contradiction even more clearly.

The Congolese
Parallel to what has been said of the image of the missionaries, our image of the Congo, and of the Congolese themselves, must also be adjusted to some extent. The image that is still overwhelming and almost ineradicable in Flanders is that of a country that should have been happy with our presence and help despite everything. “They only have tribal disputes now the unifying factor has disappeared from there, now there is no longer anyone to keep it all under control” Or “Since we left they have not managed to make much of it, have they?” This image is stronger than ourselves and is absolutely not contradicted in modern conceptualisation, particularly as it is shown us in the media. However, it is very uncommon to ask why that is the case and whether colonial history has something to do with it. In response to this claim it will undoubtedly be said that the way things have gone wrong cannot be blamed on the Belgians forty years after the events. It is a remark that is also made by many intellectual Congolese today.

Without considering the complex amalgam of power factors influencing the contemporary political situation of the country and the social malaise it is experiencing, I still think that historical research into colonial education can provide part of the explanation. A number of characteristics of colonial education have exercised an essential influence and probably still do so in some way. I would also like to refrain from any moral judgements or issues of guilt in this regard and rather try to remain with the mechanisms in force. The colonial regime had an educational component that served the general social and economic aims that the regime had set itself. However, it is certain that the education given by the missionaries willingly or unwillingly fitted into an economical logic. It contributed as a factor in the differences which arose in the Congo between town and country and as such also to the dislocation of the economy.

The MSC saw that. Their laments about the uprooted were mainly aimed at the derailment of the conservative morality they stood for and which they tried to inculcate thoroughly in the Congolese youth (those young people did not differ from the Flemish young people in Catholic schools). However, they also warned against another form of uprooting that arose as a result of the young people breaking their ties with their traditional environment and falling between two worlds as a result. Ironically enough they played an important role in that themselves. Education in itself did lead to emancipation but that emancipation was incomplete. The image of a derailing locomotive, used by Marc Depaepe in the conclusion of In het teken van de bevoogding was also entirely correct in that sense. The colonial educational system was the embodiment of the contradictio in terminis that resulted in the creation of the évolués. The concept of the évolué and the identification of the elite as a group was, separate from the legal affirmation of it, mainly linked to the values given in the education and subjects considered in the classroom.

In addition, as an essentially western system, that education was a mechanism in which young people were placed and in which they were taught to strive for a number of things which were presented as morally defensible or morally good. The seeds of meritocratic ideas were taught at school as the aim was to get somewhere. The selection mechanisms that were built in and primarily intended to set boundaries to prevent overload to the system and only allow the necessary elements to proceed clearly had perverse effects. At the same time values like modesty, obedience and docility were considered of paramount importance and literally imposed on the young people. Young Congolese children were absolutely not allowed to think they were better than they were. They remained inferior to the whites, no matter how much the discourse also turned to a “cooperation” and the “Belgian-Congolese community”. The évolués also sensed that at the time, undoubtedly often rather subconsciously, but could not or did not dare to mention the problem directly. They looked for explanations but it took a rather long time before they truly dared to conclude that it was their ‘half’ or incomplete emancipation that was the problem.

However, the testimonies from people who were at the mission school during the 1950s suggest another important mechanism. The school was generally considered as an instrument to secure a place in the new society. However, that did not necessarily correspond with the inherent characteristics of mission education, in other words with its contribution with regard to content or the skills that it was expected to teach. Language was generally solely perceived by the pupils as something they had to know and master in order to succeed. In addition, the main concern seemed to be obtaining the diploma that was experienced as a kind of cheque that could be exchanged for an attractive social position, a poste de bureau [office job]. That direct link can be found remarkably often in the testimonies recorded. In any event the school itself formed a strong attraction, simply because young Congolese citizens had realised that it could assure them a better life. That was realised “notwithstanding” the fact that attending school and enduring a series of less enjoyable things were necessary. Undoubtedly, further and more detailed research will give a better insight into this but, in any event, it is telling that the people who proved ambitious later on and cleared themselves a path to the top also already used both legal and illegal routes required to achieve a better material or social position at school. Could it be that this defines the foundations of a social mechanism or social practice that has developed fully in the modern Congo in the form of buying diplomas? I am unable to answer this question with the affirmative because according to Pierre Kita this would be precisely one of the things that only pervaded after the influence of the Catholic Church had been short-winged by Mobutu.[ii]

Further research
The fact that documents still circulate today or stories are still told in which the missionaries are depicted without any nuance as the “henchmen” of the colonial regime shows that mutual understanding is still very difficult, even forty years after the events. The need for critical but nuanced studies about the missionaries themselves and their experiences and memories of the colonial period is big because there is still too little non-hagiographical material. The large quantity of material that is currently still available in communities all over Flanders must be catalogued and stories must be told with it. The time has also come to collect the testimonies from the people who experienced this period and are still surviving today. The majority of missionaries who actively worked in the colonial period are now very elderly and it is consequently high time to realise this. It could only contribute to a more realistic conceptualisation of the activities of a large group of Belgians and the Flemish in particular. My argument for adjusting the image is perhaps even more pressing with regard to the Congo and the Congolese because I think that the historian truly has an important role to play here. The need for differentiation is extremely great because it is so much easier to cast what we know of this colonial history in contradictions or to summarise it in clichés rather than representing it with attention for uniqueness, peculiarity, and detail. In other words critical history can find a huge work area here. In that regard I feel strengthened in my scientific task as a researcher. Trying to study the daily life of the various players in a rather intense and important episode from our collective past and then also bring these to the attention of the public is perhaps a rather ungrateful, sometimes not so evident but definitely useful occupation. It is one of the many elements in a larger complex that must contribute to a more contextual approach to history, a less polarised world view and ultimately also to a more respectful interaction with the “other”, in a society in which this is sometimes poignantly lacking.

NOTES
[i] Dembour, M.B. (2000). Recalling the Belgian Congo. p. 11-12.
[ii] Briffaerts, J. (2002). ‘De last van het verleden’ Een bevoorrecht getuige aan het woord over onderwijs in Kongo. In Basis / Christene School, CIX, 14 September 2002, p. 27-30.

APPENDICES

1 – Quantitative data relating to education in the Belgian Congo, 1930- 1940
2 – Quantitative development of education in the Belgian Congo between 1938- 1958
3 – Quantitative development of education in the Belgian Congo between 1930-1948
4 – Figures relating to the state of education immediately after independence, in Congo and in Coquilhatville
5 – Development of educational spending in the colony and the proportion of educational spending in the total budget 1912-1940
6 – Diagrams of the organisation of education according to the “Dispositions Générales” 1948
7 – Some quantitative data relating to the missionary presence in the Belgian Congo
8 – Primary school program – Extract from the Brochure Jaune
9 – Letters from Pierre Kolokoto to Paul Jans, from the Aequatoria Archive
10 – Letters from Hilaire Vermeiren to Paul Jans, from the Aequatoria Archive
11 – Contextual analysis of “La Voix du Congolais”
12 – The history of the emergence of schools in the Equator province, by Stephane Boale
13 – “Extrait de la causerie du Ministre des Colonies, M. Jules Renquin avec les premiers missionnaires catholiques du Congo-Belge” “Extract from a talk given by the Minister for the Colonies, Mr Jules Renquin, to the first Belgian Catholic missionaries to the Belgian Congo”

Appendix 1 – Quantitative data concerning education in the Belgian Congo, 1930-1940

The situation in 1930
A report drawn up on request of the Permanent Committee of the Colonial Congress and which appeared in the records of the third National Colonial Congress offers a number of indications concerning the quantitative development of education at that time. However, the figures stated were not given any further clarification. A distinction was already made at that point between state education, independent subsidised education and independent non-subsidised education. 11 “groupes scolaires” were referred to in the document. These were probably the official (state) schools. They accounted for 12 760 pupils. According to this document, 131 250 pupils were in independent subsidised education, divided among 2 377 schools. Apparently, no figures were available for independent non-subsidised schools: it was stated that they were “légion” and that the number grew each year.

However a far more detailed report on education from the same period does exist, namely the report drawn up by Edouard De Jonghe for the meeting of the Institut Colonial International in Paris in 1931. According to the author the figures cited were representative for the situation on 31 December 1929. De Jonghe did not give any general figures for the whole colony but gave very detailed data per region and per school. Based on the figures in this report, there would have been 131 534 pupils in primary Catholic subsidised education.[i] De Jonghe also gave figures for non-subsidised education, more specifically for the Protestant schools, which around a total of 160 000 pupils supposedly attended. These figures were to be taken with a pinch of salt according to De Jonghe because “ces chiffres n’ont pas été contrôlés” and as far as the rural schools were concerned, the figure was of all the pupils enrolled at the schools, not only those who attended school regularly. Thus subtly insinuating that as opposed to this, the figures for the Catholic schools were actually “clean” (i.e. regarding only the pupils that really attended school) .[ii] As far as the Catholic non-subsidised schools were concerned, De Jonghe could only give an example: in the Kwango district there were 52 schools, with 8 057 pupils, which were subsidised in 1929. On the other hand, there were 2 658 non-subsidised schools, with 44 980 pupils.[iii] It seems out of the question that this figure should only be accounted to the Protestant missions. It probably also relates to the fact that many Catholic schools were not yet ‘subsidy ripe’ at this stage.

The situation in 1934
For this year there are data brought together in the Annuaires des missions catholiques by Corman. There are no general data on the quantitative development of education in the 1924 edition. However, there are in the second edition, from 1935. The division of the subsidised schools into rural and central schools was used when creating the overview statistics. That gave 284 central schools with 50 333 pupils and 9 652 rural schools with 289 456 pupils for the Belgian Congo alone (without Ruanda-Urundi). This means the total number of pupils in primary education had to be estimated at around 350 000 (the 13 “official” schools were mentioned separately). Again, the data do not seem very “clean”: there are hiatuses in the statistics and no data were published for some regions. Moreover, the publishers of the Annuaire seemed aware that it was difficult to obtain correct quantitative data. As the total result of his own data, Corman gives 10 291 primary schools with 477 004 pupils (for both the Belgian Congo and Rwanda-Urundi). Elsewhere the same publication also gives figures from the Apostolic Delegation: 8 152 primary schools with 440 778 pupils. Both series of figures were supposed to reflect the situation on 30 June 1934 but altough Corman’s results were higher, it was admitted that the data from the Apostolic Delegation were more reliable.[iv]

The situation in 1936
Depaepe and Van Rompaey give an overview table per vicariate and educational level, also based on data published by the Apostolic Delegation in the Congo from 1936. They mention 11 145 schools with 444 082 pupils. If these figures are corrected (and the figures for Rwanda-Urundi filtered out) this gives slightly over 10 000 schools with approximately 380 000 pupils.

The situation in 1938
The figures of the N.I.S. for 1938 are limited to the number of schools and number of pupils in general for two different types of education: the official schools and the independent schools. 7 official schools for the Congolese are mentioned.[v] Together they accounted for slightly more than 4 000 pupils. Consequently, this probably relates to a number of school groups. In addition, this statistic gives 4 268 subsidised schools, which together numbered 222 369 pupils. No distinction is made on the basis of the level of education.[vi]

In his article from 1940, Oswald Liesenborghs gave a whole series of figures on colonial education which reflect the development of the number of schools and pupils from 1929 to 1938.[vii] He did not mention any sources for this data. These figures are shown in the table below:

	1929	1931	1932	1933	1934	1935	1936	1937	1938
official education
schools	11	12	12	11	11	11	10	8	7
pupils	3618	5182	5380	5649	5567	5691	5337	4589	4122
subsidised education
schools
1e gr.	2532	2773	3579	3780	4326	4217	3740	3720	3635
2e gr.	163	201	241	273	284	394	473	492	577
pupils
1e gr.	119563	144150	164313	180522	167339	184902	168573	168493	177004
2e gr.	8162	12229	16090	19862	21832	27013	31615	35478	42426

These figures may be supplemented with the data cited by the Dominican Steenberghen in his master’s thesis. He stated that, according to the Apostolic Delegation in Congo, in 1939 there were about 13 000 non-subsidised Catholic schools with approximately half a million pupils and 9 000 Protestant schools with approximately 300 000 pupils.[viii]

The situation in 1940
Julien Van Hove, who was an official at the Ministry for Colonies for many years, gave a fairly extensive and detailed overview of the whole colony in an article from 1953, L’oeuvre d’éducation au Congo Belge et au Ruanda-Urundi.[ix] The following table summarises the most important figures from it. This only relates to the figures for primary education and only for the Belgian Congo. The statistics were gathered over a longer period but can be used here as a supplement to the previous data for the thirties. The number of schools followed by the number of pupils is shown each time:

	1.1.1930	1.1.1940	1.1.1945[x]	1.1.1948[xi]
official schools	92 968	73 624	63 624	53 464
subsidised 1e grade	2 532119 563	4 446195 401	5 020243 918	6 966320 591
subsidised 2e grade	1638 162	65047 980	83965 840	98384 311
total subsidised	2 699127 725	5 096243 381	5 859309 758	7 949404 902
independent schools	––	17 910463 950	19 193483 253	19 072513 049
total primary education	––	23 013710 955	25 302798 265	27 078923 165

The division of these statistics seems to fit better with the previous data from Liesenborghs. The difference to the two figures given previously (from the Apostolic Delegation, for 1934 and 1936), in my opinion, lies in the fact that they relate to all Catholic education, both subsidised and non-subsidised. In the two following series (those of Liesenborghs and Van Hove), a distinction is made between these two types, and “independent schools” must be understood as both Protestant and non-subsidised Catholic education.

NOTES
[i] This figure corresponds surprisingly well with the figure given in the report from the Permanent Comittee and is therefore probably based on the same sources.
[ii] One difference between the figures cited here for the Catholic and Protestant schools should be mentioned: The figure for the Protestant schools is the total figure and includes all possible types of school whereas the figure for Catholic education only relates to primary schools or departments.
[iii] De Jonghe, E. (1931). L’enseignement des indigènes au Congo Belge. Rapport présenté à la XXIe session de l’I.C.I., à Paris, mai 1931. p. 39-93.
[iv] Corman, A. (1935). Annuaire des missions catholiques au Congo Belge. Bruxelles: Edition Universelle. p. 380 & 392-393.
[v] This must therefore be understood as: schools founded by the state and run by missionaries.
[vi] See data and source references in the overview table in appendix 2.
[vii] Liesenborghs, O. (1940). L’instruction publique des indigènes du Congo Belge. In Congo: Revue générale de la Colonie Belge. XXI. n°3. p. 267. In another article that was published at around the same time, Liesenborghs gives other indications with much less detail and also presented with the necessary reserve: “It should firstly be stated that the figures shown here differ somewhat, but only insignificantly, from indications in other publications. It is not always possible to find all the information required in the official annual reports and other sources.” [original quotation in Dutch] The figures relate to the situation in 1938. In his article he mentioned 1 official boys’ school with 3 368 pupils (!) and 1 girls’ school with 180 pupils. In independent education no distinction was made with regard to gender: in subsidised education he mentioned 4 212 schools with 219 430 pupils and in non-subsidised education 18 257 schools with 501 852 pupils. No sources were given for these figures. Liesenborghs, O. (1940). Het Belgisch koloniaal onderwijswezen. In Vlaamsch Opvoedkundig Tijdschrift. 1940. XXI, 7
[viii] Steenberghen, R. (1944). Les programmes de l’école primaire indigène rurale au Congo Belge. Leuven: unpublished Master’s thesis.
[ix] Van Hove, J. (1953). L’oeuvre d’éducation au Congo Belge et au Ruanda-Urundi. In Encyclopédie du Congo Belge. Bruxelles, dl. 3, p. 749-789. Van Hove was the successor to Edouard De Jonghe within the colonial administration.
[x] The total differs from the sum of the various categories because a number of “6 preparatory” years have to be added. In this year this relates to 44 schools and 1 630 pupils.
[xi] The same as for footnote 10: this relates to 52 schools and 1 750 pupils.

Appendix 2 – Quantitative development of education in the Belgian Congo between 1938-1958, figures from N.I.S. (Briffaerts, 1995)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix 3 – Quantitative development of education in the Belgian Congo between 1930-1948, according to the brochure with the Plan Décennal (1949)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix 4 – Figures relating to the state of education immediately after independence, in Congo and Coquilhatville (figures from BEC, 1963)

1. Congo – primary education (BEC 1963, p. 19)

school year	network
	official	Catholic	Protestant	other	total
first	23161	534375	119150	1608	681294
second	19088	301511	69420	1275	391294
third	15114	216031	50661	659	282465
fourth	12075	162461	38948	327	213811
fifth	11319	123141	30915	223	165598
sixth	10568	78941	24362	399	114270
total	94325	1416460	333457	4491	1843733

2. Congo – secondary education (BEC 1963, p. 19)

school year	network
	official	Catholic	Protestant	other	total
first	10090	16744	2379	1647	30860
second	7762	10151	1210	696	19819
third	2726	6124	535	315	9700
fourth	1520	3692	315	109	5636
fifth	511	961	46	77	1595
sixth	198	448	34	59	739
total	22807	38120	4519	2903	68349

3.  Congo – number of schools (“estimations raisonnables”, BEC 1963, p. 21)

	boys	girls	mixed	total
complete primary education	668	336	353	1357
incomplete primary education	1468	135	5613	7212
number of classes	14106	5552	13895	33787

4. Total school population in Catholic primary education at the beginning of the school year 1962-63 in the Coquilhatville diocese (approximately corresponds to the vicariate of the MSC) (BEC 1963, p. 24)

	total		boys		girls
year	diocese	province	diocese	province	diocese	province
préparatoire	110	160
1e	5149	41879	3291	30306	1858	11573
2e	2958	26174	1920	19601	1038	6573
3e	2277	20932	1520	16242	757	4690
4e	1793	16967	1229	13631	564	3336
5e	1334	12497	948	10314	386	2183
6e	898	7161	724	6247	174	914
7e	24	166	24	143		24
total	14432	125776	9656	96483	4777	29293

5. Congo – secondary and post-primary education (BEC 1963, p. 31)

Division of the schools by church province

	post-primary (pp) schools		secondary (sec)schools		schools with pp or sec sections
province	boys	girls	boys	girls	boys	girls
Léopoldville	32	34	33	37	3	11
Coquilhatville	6	13	27	3	1	1
Stanleyville	16	16	33	10	2	5
Bukavu	5	4	29	11	0	3
Elisabethville	7	10	26	13	1	6
Luluabourg	7	13	30	10	3	3
total	73	90	228	84	10	29

6. Secondary education in detail: comparison of Coquilhatville (province) and Congo

A. Number of classes from 1st October 1962 (BEC 1963, pp. 33-35, 40-42, 47-49)

	Coquilhatville			Congo
	totaux	garcons	filles		totaux	garcons	filles
cycle d’orientation	68	60	8		729	545	184
moyennes générales	4	4	–		11	10	1
moy. hum. pédag.	21	16	5		247	156	91
moyennes familiales	1	.	1		7	.	7
moyennes ménagères	–	.	–		4	.	4
human. latin-grec	15	15	–		178	160	18
human. latin-math	5	5	.		18	18	.
humanités modernes	3	3	–		110	81	29
scientifiques A	3	3	–		46	46	–
scientifiques B	–	–	–		19	16	3
Economiques	2	2	–		34	28	6
prof. tech. agricoles	5	5	.		27	27	.
autres techniques	1	1	–		62	47	15
autres prof.	10	9	1		113	103	10
artistiques	–	–	.		14	14	.
médicales	–	–	–		15	4	11
totaux secondaire	138	123	15		1634	1255	379
apprentissage pédag.	5	3	2		22	14	8
artisanal, apprentissage	12	12			191	189	2
ménagères post-prim	8	.	8		64	.	64
ménagères pédagog	25	.	25		216	.	216
médicales	–	–	–		2	–	2
totaux post-primaires	50	15	35		495	203	292
totaux généraux	188	138	50		2129	1458	671

B. Number of pupils per 1 October 1962 (BEC 1963, p. 55-57, 62-64, 69-71)

	Coquilhatville			Congo
	totaux	garcons	filles		totaux	garcons	filles
cycle d’orientation	2111	1892	219		26686	21115	5571
moyennes générales	55	55	–		71	68	3
moy. hum. pédag.	399	327	72		5858	4038	1850
moyennes familiales	8	.	8		112	.	112
moyennes ménagères	–	.	–		47	.	47
human. latin-grec	203	203	–		3054	2821	233
human. latin-math	49	49	.		110	110	.
humanités modernes	81	81	–		3263	2878	385
scientifiques A	33	33	–		772	771	1
scientifiques B	–	–	–		348	329	19
Economiques	21	21	–		444	382	62
prof. tech. agricoles	69	69			380	380	.
autres techniques	23	23	–		1204	1074	130
autres prof.	87	87	–		2271	1894	377
artistiques	–	–	.		99	99	.
médicales	–	–	–		127	–	127
totaux secondaire	3139	2840	299		44846	35959	8887
apprentissage pédag.	146	112	34		660	488	172
artisanal apprentissage	251	231	20		3926	3830	96
ménagères post-prim	132	.	132		1566	.	1566
ménagères pédagog	598	.	598		5112	.	5112
médicales	–	–	–		–	–	–
totaux post-primaires	1127	343	784		11264	4318	6946
totaux généraux	4226	3183	1083		56110	40277	15833

Appendix 5 – Development of educational spending in the colony and the proportion of educational spending in the total budget 1912-1940 (Liesenborghs, 1940)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix 6 – Diagrams of the organisation of education according to the “Dispositions Générales” 1948 (Plan Décennal, 1949)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix 7 – Some quantitative data relating to the missionary presence in the Belgian Congo (source: Statistical Yearbook N.I.S.)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The following table shows the ratios from graph 2 with a more detailed division according to the origin of the missionaries (this only relates to the so-called “white” population):

 

	1933	1934	1935	1936	1937	1938	1943	1944	1946
Belg. male	1130	1181	1255	1338	1477	1584	1675	1694	1828
Belg. female	933	981	1071	1137	1253	1318	1389	1381	1530
Belg. total	2063	2162	2326	2475	2730	2902	3064	3075	3358
Foreign male	334	322	309	312	356	346	331	301	319
Foreign female	426	419	409	413	458	484	478	451	473
Foreign total	760	741	718	725	814	830	809	752	792
Total	2823	2903	3044	3200	3544	3732	3873	3827	4150

Table 1 – Religious workers in the Congo – ratios according to gender and nationality, 1933-1946

The “Katoliek Jaarboek” from 1961 gives the following figures with regard to the composition of the group of religious workers for 1959, although this is for the Belgian Congo and Rwanda-Urundi together. The various categories are given the same names as they were in the publication. “Foreign” is used for predominantly white, non-Belgian religious workers, as in the previous table.

 

Belgian missionaries	2 070
Belgian brothers	696
Belgian sisters	2 450
Total Belgian religious workers	5 216
Diocesan priests	586
Local brothers	514
Local sisters	1 184
Total Congolese religious workers	2 284
Foreign missionaries	576
Secular priests from other countries	61
Foreign brothers	225
Foreign sisters	755
Total foreign religious workers	1 617

Table 2 – Religious workers in the Congo – ratios according to gender and nationality, 1961

 

Appendix 8 – Primary school program – Extract from the Brochure Jaune

Programmes et Méthode [i]

ECOLE PRIMAIRE DU PREMIER DEGRE

PREMIERE ANNEE D’ETUDES.

Religion: programme à déterminer par les autorités religieuses.

Lecture: étude des lettres et de leurs combinaisons. En première année d’études, la lecture, l’écriture et l’orthographe doivent s’enseigner en même temps. L’étude d’une lettre comprendra donc: la recherche et l’étude du son, sa représentation, l’écriture de la lettre par les élèves, la combinaison de la lettre avec d’autres lettres étudiées précédemment, des exercices de lecture, d’écriture et der, dictées; comme il faut empêcher que les élèves ne prennent l’habitude de lire sans se rendre compte de ce qu’ils lisent, tous les mots nouveaux seront soigneusement expliqués et le maître vérifiera fréquemment si les élèves comprennent bien le texte lu.

Calcul: notion concrète des cinq premiers nombres, additions et soustractions concrètes sur ces nombres; étude des cinq premiers chiffres, additions et soustractions; étude simultanée des nombres et des chiffres de 5 à 10, additions et soustractions sur les 10 premiers nombres, ensuite multiplications et divisions sur les mêmes nombres; petits problèmes oraux. En 1re et en 2e année d’études, il est désirable d’adopter pour la division la forme de “la 1/2 de…”, “le 1/3 de…”, “le 1/4 de…”, “le 1/5 de…”.

Système métrique: notion intuitive du mètre, du litre, du franc, du kilogramme, du demi-litre, du double-litre, du poids d’un demi-kilogramme, de deux kilogrammes; nombreux exercices de mesurages-longueurs, liquides, matières sèches de pesage, de paiement; petits problèmes oraux.

Leçons d’intuition: parties du corps, vêtements, classe, objets de la classe, fleurs, fruits, plantes, animaux. Pour les leçons d’intuition l’on suivra généralement la marche suivante: analyse libre de l’objet, analyse dirigée, comparaison, dans la mesure du possible, avec des objets de même nature, synthèse rappelant les caractères essentiels de l’objet étudié.

Pour l’analyse dirigée et la synthèse, le maître, au début de l’année, introduira dans ses questions les principaux termes de la réponse; dans la suite, les questions ne renfermeront plus qu’un terme de la réponse et finalement, elles ne renfermeront plus aucun élément de la réponse.

Causeries générales: tenue en classe, à l’église, à la rue, au village, relations avec les compagnons, règlement scolaire, personnes, choses, scènes du milieu immédiat; premières notions de politesse.

Hygiène: propreté du corps et des vêtements, propreté de la classe, de la cour, de l’habitation et de ses environs, soins à donner aux organes des sens, précautions à prendre et choses à éviter en ce qui les concerne.

Les causeries et les leçons d’hygiène seront traitées comme des leçons d’élocution. En règle générale, le maître commencera par un exposé concrétisé et dramatisé. Il choisira l’exemple d’un enfant, qui deviendra le héros de tous ses récits et qui constatera et fera ce qu’il veut que les élèves constatent et fassent. Il multipliera les péripéties de façon à donner à ses récits un intérêt toujours nouveau. Après le récit, il procédera à l’analyse et à là synthèse en graduant ses questions comme pour les leçons d’intuition.

Dessin: Point; ligne droite, horizontale, verticale, oblique, combinaisons diverses; dessin simplifié et d’après nature d’objets divers: barrière, table, chaise, lance, couteau, drapeau, machette, etc…

Chants: petits chants appris par audition.

Gymnastique: marche rythmées avec ou sans chant, jeux.

Français: (cours facultatif) noms des objets de la classe, d’objets usuels, verbes les plus communément employés, conjugaison de ces verbes à l’indicatif présent. Pendant les leçons de français, il est désirable de ne pas recourir aux traductions; le maître doit montrer, agir et parler, faire montrer, faire agir et faire parler.

Travaux manuels: cultures, élevage, métiers indigènes, constructions et réparations exécutées avec le concours d’élèves.

DEUXIEME ANNEE D’ETUDES.

Religion: programme à déterminer par les autorités religieuses.

Lecture: lecture courante. Comme en 1re année d’études, les exercices de lecture sont combinés avec des exercices d’écriture et l’étude de l’orthographe.

Langue maternelle: notion du nom, du verbe, de l’adjectif.

Calcul: étude des nombres de 1 à 20; additions, soustractions multiplications, divisions; la douzaine; petits problèmes oraux et écrits, chiffres romains.

Système métrique: litre, franc, kilogramme, décamètre, décalitre, billets de 5 et de 20 frs; décimètre, décilitre; décime nombreux exercices pratiques: mesurages, pesages, paiements; petits problèmes oraux et écrits.

Leçons d’intuition: plantes, fleurs, fruits, animaux, outillage et produits indigènes. La marche à suivre pour ces leçons est la même que celle indiquée dans le programme de la 1re année d’études; au cours de la synthèse, un petit résumé est écrit au tableau. Ce petit résumé est copié par le et peut servir de base à une série d’exercices.

Causeries générales: politesse: respect dû aux autorités civiles et religieuses; aide à donner aux vieillards et aux infirmes; douceur envers les animaux; accidents géographiques de la région, phénomènes naturels: jour, nuit, vent, pluie, éclair, tonnerre, etc.

Hygiène: habitation; aliments et boissons; précautions à prendre contre le soleil, contre le froid, avec le feu; notions générales sur les maladies tropicales les plus répandues dans la région; précautions à prendre pour les éviter.

Les causeries générales et les leçons d’hygiène se donnent de la même façon qu’en première année d’études. La synthèse de la leçon est écrite au tableau. Celle-ci se présentera sous forme d’un petit récit terminé par une conclusion pratique renfermant la notion que le maître a voulu enseigner.

Pour les accidents géographiques déjà connus des enfants et l’explication des phénomènes naturels, le maître peut aborder directement l’analyse. Au cours de celle-ci il rectifiera et complètera les connaissances des enfants. La synthèse de la leçon est également écrite au tableau.

Dessin: notion intuitive du carré et du rectangle; dessin d’après nature d’objets renfermant ces éléments: pavés, cadres, encadrements de portes, de volets, élévation d’une boîte, d’une armoire, etc.; dessin d’ornements simples dérivant du carré et du rectangle.

Chants: chants simples appris par audition.

Gymnastique: marches rythmées avec ou sans chant, jeux.

Français: (cours facultatif). Causeries sur des objets qui ont été analysés pendant les leçons d’intuition ou d’après tableaux. Les causeries sont suivies d’un résumé au tableau fait avec l’aide des élèves. Il faut profiter de ces résumés pour faire l’étude progressive de l’alphabet français: u, e, é, è, c, ç, g doux, j, q, gn, ai, ou, ou, om, an, am, in, un, um, au, eau, ent, ais, et, er, ez, ei, ail, euil, eil. Conjugaison des verbes à l’indicatif présent, au passé indéfini et au futur simple. Il convient généralement de faire conjuguer les verbes avec un ou plusieurs compléments d’après le degré d’avancement des élèves.

Travaux manuels: Développer le programme de la 1re année.

ECOLE PRIMAIRE DU DEUXIEME DEGRE

PREMIERE ANNEE D’ETUDES.

Religion: programme à déterminer par les autorités religieuses.

Lecture: lecture courante. Il est utile de faire précéder les leçons de lecture d’une petite causerie sur le texte à lire.

Langue maternelle: notion du nom, de l’adjectif, du pronom, du verbe, conjugaison des verbes.

Calcul: récapitulation des 20 premiers nombres; étude des nombres de 20 à 100; table de multiplication et division des 100 premiers nombres par les 10 premiers nombres; la centaine, le dixième, le centième; nombreux exercices et problèmes.Système métrique: mètre, décamètre, décimètre, hectomètre, centimètre, litre, décalitre, décilitre, hectolitre, centilitre; gramme, décagramme, décigramme, hectogramme, centigramme; franc, décime, centime, billets de 5, 20 et 100 frs: nombreux exercices pratiques mesurages, paiements; problèmes écrits et oraux.

Leçons d’intuition: outils de fabrication indigène et de fabrication européenne en usage dans le pays, métiers indigènes, causeries d’après tableaux. Pour les leçons d’intuition, la marche à suivre est la même que celle suivie à la deuxième année de l’école primaire du 1er degré. Le résumé peut être fait par les élèves au moyen de questions écrites au tableau au cours de la synthèse. Pour ces questions, on suivra la même gradation que celle qui a été adoptée pour les questions orales en 1re année d’études de l’école primaire du 1er degré.

Causeries générales: rôle des européens dans le pays, coutumes et pratiques du pays; politesse.

Hygiène: eau, qualités de l’eau potable, endroits où il faut la puiser, purification de l’eau; notions pratiques aussi complètes que le développement intellectuel des élèves sur la malaria, la maladie du sommeil, le pian, la variole, la fièvre récurrente.

Les causeries générales et les leçons d’hygiène se donnent comme à l’école primaire du 1ère degré, 2e année d’études. L’exposé concrétisé et dramatisé peut être accompagné d’expériences analogues aux constatations faites par le héros du récit: purification de l’eau; éclosion de moustiques, etc….

Les causeries sur les coutumes et les pratiques du pays supposent que le maître connaisse à fond la mentalité des indigènes de la région, leurs usages et toutes les pratiques superstitieuses et autres auxquelles ils se livrent. Le récit fera ressortir la valeur des coutumes et des pratiques utiles et le ridicule, l’inefficacité et éventuellement la nuisance des autres. Le résumé de ces leçons sera préparé de la même façon que les résumés des leçons d’intuition.

Géographie: classe, quatre points cardinaux, orientation de la classe, de l’école; environs de l’école; étude sommaire mais méthodique du territoire; croquis et cartes; histoire du territoire.

Agriculture: différentes espèces de terrains; caractéristiques, qualités, défauts, moyens à employer pour les améliorer; engrais verts et autres; préparation du terrain pour les semis et les plantations: disposition des parcelles.

Dessin: notion intuitive du carré, du rectangle, du triangle du losange; dessin d’après nature d’objets renfermant ces éléments; dessin d’ornements simples dérivant des éléments étudiés; frises décoratives.

Calligraphie: étude méthodique des minuscules.

Chants: chants simples appris par audition. Eventuellement quelques notions musicales théoriques: la gamme, l’accord parfait et son renversement tons, demi-tons, degrés; exercices de lecture sans et avec mesure, de solfège; dictées musicales; exercices de vocalise et d’adaptation de paroles.

Gymnastique: exercice choisis d’ordre et dérivatifs, extension et suspension, exercices d’équilibre, exercices pour la nuque, le dos, l’abdomen, exercices latéraux, marches, sauts, courses, exercices respiratoires et calmants.

Français: (cours obligatoire dans les centres dans les centres urbains, facultatif dans les autres centres) causeries d’après tableaux suivies de résumés faits avec les élèves. Notions de grammaire.

Travaux manuels: culture, élevage: métiers indigènes perfectionnés, collaboration aux travaux de construction et de réparation.

 

DEUXIEME ANNEE D’ETUDES.

Religion: programme à déterminer par les autorités religieuses.

Lecture: lecture expressive. Les textes à lire font l’objet d’une analyse sommaire très simple avant d’être lus.

Langue maternelle: étude du nom, de l’adjectif, du pronom, de l’adverbe, du verbe, études des préfixes, infixes et suffixes.

Rédaction: exercices de comparaison entre deux choses concrètes, petits récits puisés dans la vie des enfants ou dans l’actualité locale.

Calcul: les quatre opérations sur les 1.000 premiers nombres, recherches des 2/3, des 3/4, etc. d’un nombre; le millième; problèmes écrits et oraux, achats, ventes, gains, pertes.

Système métrique: récapitulation du programme de la 1re année du 2e degré; le kilomètre, le millimètre, le kilogramme; mesures de surface; périmètre et surface du carré et du rectangles.

Leçon d’intuition: produits de la culture, de la cueillette, de l’industrie locale; même marche que pour les leçons d’intuition en 1re année du 2e degré. Le résumé à faire par les élèves peut être préparé au moyen d’un canevas.

Causeries générales: les usages et les pratiques du pays: croyances superstitieuses; rôle néfaste des féticheurs; phénomènes naturels: foudre, grêle, tremblements de terre, éclipses; dangers que présentent la consommation de l’alcool, l’usage du chanvre et d’autres plantes stupéfiantes.

Hygiène: maladies de la peau, maladies du ventre, maladies de la poitrine; symptômes, causes, propagation, précautions, soins.

Pour les causeries et les leçons d’hygiène, on suit a même marche qu’en 1re année du 2e degré. Au cours de la synthèse, un canevas à développer par les élèves est écrit au tableau.

Géographie: révision du cours de 1re année; le globe terrestre, le soleil, la lune, les étoiles, le jour, la nuit, les cinq parties du monde, les grands océans, quelques grands voyages sur la sphère le Congo Belge; situation, limites, chefs-lieux; description du cours du fleuve Congo. Histoire de l’occupation du Congo par la Belgique.

Agriculture: cultures du pays, variétés à choisir, plantation, semis, soins des plantations, récolte. Choix des boutures ou des graines pour les cultures de l’année suivante; conservation et transformation des produits; culture des arbres fruitiers: variétés à choisir, greffage, soins; oiseaux utiles, oiseaux nuisibles; insectes nuisibles et leur destruction; culture des arbres et des plantes donnant les produits d’exportation; destruction des insectes et des animaux nuisibles.

Dessin: Le carré, le rectangle, le losange, l’hexagone, le cercle; dessin d’après nature d’objets renfermant les éléments étudiés; dessin d’après nature, de feuilles, de fleurs et de fruits; stylisation de ces éléments; frises ornementales.

Calligraphie: révision du cours de la 1re année, étude méthodique des majuscules.

Chants: quelques chants appris par audition à 1 et à 2 voix. Eventuellement continuation de la théorie musicale donnée en 11, année: tons, demi-tons, degrés de la gamme, etc., manière de prendre le ton à l’aide de formules; exercices de solfège, dictées musicales, exercices de vocalise et d’adaptation de paroles à la musique.

Gymnastique: mêmes exercices qu’en 1re année.

Français: (cours obligatoire dans les centres dans les centres urbains, facultatif dans les autres centres), causeries d’après tableau ou sur les objets analysés dans les leçons d’intuition suivies de résumés faits an tableau avec l’aide des élèves. Exercices sur notions de grammaire.

Travaux manuels: Programme de la première année à développer.

 

TROISIEME ANNEE D’ETUDES.

Religion: Programme à déterminer par les autorités religieuses.

Lecture: lecture expressive comme en 2e année d’études. Les analyses doivent être plus complètes qu’en 2e année.

Langue maternelle: Etude complète des parties du discours, compléments, analyse grammaticale. Rédactions: comparaisons entre deux choses concrètes, deux choses abstraites, petites descriptions, petits récits, lettres.

Calcul: les quatre opérations sur les nombres entiers et décimaux jusqu’au nombre 10.000: règle de trois simple et directe; recherche de l’intérêt: nombreux problèmes.

Système métrique: mesures de longueur, de capacité, de poids, monnaies; mesures de surface, mesures agraires; périmètre et surface du carré, du rectangle, du triangle; diamètre, circonférence et surface du cercle; nombreux exercices pratiques; nombreux problèmes.

Causeries générales: Principales stipulations du décret sur les chefferies; obligations des indigènes en matière de recensement, d’impôts, de milice; principales dispositions législatives sur les armes à feu, la chasse, l’alcool, le chanvre, les jeux de hasard.

Hygiène: révision des notions enseignées dans les quatre premières années; premiers soins en cas d’accident – asphyxie, hémorragie, brûlure, empoisonnement, syncope, morsure de serpent, foulure, fracture; quelques notions d’asepsie et d’antisepsie; soins des plaies; maladies vénériennes.

Les causeries générales et les leçons d’hygiène sont résumées au tableau. Ce résumé est transcrit par les élèves dans un cahier spécial et doit être étudié de mémoire.

Géographie: révision des matières enseignées dans les cours inférieurs; étude méthodique du district: cours d’eau, production, centres, voies de communication, industrie, commerce, grandes tribus, divisions administratives, missions; quelques notions sur la Belgique: situation, quelques villes, fleuves, chemins de fer (longueur) quelques indications sur la richesse et l’activité du peuple belge la famille royale de Belgique.

Agriculture: révision du cours donné dans les deux années précédentes; petit bétail, éventuellement gros bétail, animaux et oiseaux de basse-cour; soins, maladies, remèdes, nourriture, choix des reproducteurs; conditions que doivent réunir les étables, les clapiers, les poulaillers, les pigeonniers; traitement des produits.

Dessin: plan-détaillé d’une case modèle, d’une porte, d’une fenêtre, d’une table, d’une chaise, d’un banc, d’un lit, d’une armoire; matières colorantes existant dans la région et pouvant servir à la décoration de la case.

Calligraphie: minuscules et majuscules; écriture grande, moyenne et petite.

Chant: chants à une et à deux voix appris par audition. Eventuellement développement du cours théorique donné en 2e année.

Gymnastique: leçons comme en Ile année d’études.

Français: (cours obligatoire dans les centres dans les centres urbains, facultatif dans les autres centres): causeries d’après tableaux ou sur des choses concrètes, petites rédactions. Exercices écrits portant spécialement sur les notions de grammaire et sur l’orthographe.

Travaux manuels: Programme de la deuxième année à développer.

Dans les écoles de filles l’on peut suivre le même programme que dans les écoles de garçons. L’on y ajoutera toutefois des notions aussi complètes que possible de puériculture à donner en 3e année du 2e degré, ainsi que les travaux à l’aiguille.

Le programme suivant pourrait être adopté pour ces travaux:

1re année du 1er degré: points devant, de piqûre, de cordonnet, à la croix sur gros tissus en tirant un fil; quelques travaux en raphia et tricot à 2 aiguilles: montage du tricot, mailles à l’endroit, à l’envers, etc.

2e année du 1er degré: points devant, de piqûre, de cordonnet, à la croix sur tissus moins gros que ceux employés en 1re année et sans tirer un fil; quelques travaux en raphia et tricot à 2 aiguilles.

1re année du 2e degré: points de piqûre, devant et de côté sur plis rentrés; tricot à 4 aiguilles: étude de la chaussette; travaux d’agrément.

2e année du 2e degré: points de surjet, de feston, de flanelle; travaux d’agrément; tricot à 4 aiguilles: études du bas, ravaudage et manière de renforcer le tricot.

3e année du 2e degré: point de boutonnière, fixation des boutons, oeillets, agrafes, pressions; tracé, coupe et confection de vêtements simples; tricot; rempiétage du bas, ravaudage, remmaillage, tricot d’une brassière, de chaussons de bébés etc.

NOTE

[i]   Conçus comme ils le sont, les programmes paraissent applicables dans toutes les écoles. En cas de nécessité, il sera néanmoins permis de s’en écarter. Us inspecteur du Gouvernement, d’accord avec les missionnaires-inspecteurs, décideront des changements à apporter éventuellement au Programme. Ils veilleront toutefois à ce que les modifications n’aillent pas jusqu’à faire disparaître certaines branches du programme ou à diminuer notablement l’ensemble des matières à enseigner.

Appendix 9 – Letters from Pierre Kolokoto to Paul Jans, from the Aequatoria Archive Transcribed from the microfilms.

Beambo le 8 octobre 1935

Très R. Père Paul Jans
J’ai l’honneur de vous faire connaître que tous les gens de Bofidji ont déjà payé l’impôt. Mais exceptez moi, donc tâchez de m’envoyer 70 frs. de mon salaire.
Je vous envoie mon livret du travail parce que je n’ai pas encore toucher le moi de septembre à cause que je suis très éloigné. Je vous demande aussi 20 frs. que vous avez promis à mes élèves pour leurs nourritures. Alors il ne faut pas oublier de m’envoyer la couverture que vous m’avez promise de l’année 1935, parce que vous n’avez pas donné.
Donc envoyez moi aussi un rideau pour la classe, un pacquet de craies, un paquet de touches aussi que qq cahiers pour les journaux de classe.
Veuillez agréer très R. P. Paul, les salutations très cordiales de votre serviteur,

Kolokoto Pierre, moniteur de l’école rurale Beambo.

—

2.
Beambo le 29 octobre 1935

J’ai l’honneur de vous faire savoir que je suis en bonne santé ainsi que mes élèves, mais quelques uns ont des plaies donc ils manquent seulement des médicaments. J’ai bien reçue la lettre dont vous m’avez evoyée par mes élèves avec 1 paquet de craies, 1 paquet de touches, 5 cahiers comme journal de classe ainsi que mon salaire 70 frs.
Excepter un rideau pour la classe – ainsi que la couverture promise par le R. Père Paul Jans, parce que la première est morte depuis 1934.
Très Révérend Père Supérieur, voilà une chose que je me regrette maintenant; j’ai engagé une femme puis j’ai donné à ses parents trois cents frs. et maintenant elle est à son village on demande encore quatre cents ou cinq cents frs pour compléter huit cents frs. donc je vous prie s’il vous plaît prêtez moi cinq cents ou quatre cents frs. donc vous retiendrez 50 frs. de ma salaire chaque fois car j’envoie mon livret ainsi vous ferez comme bon-pour dans mon livret.
Ne me refusez pas de me prêter parce que le moniteur de Indjolo avait prêté cinq cents frs chez le Père Paul Jans donc nous sommes aussi des moniteurs alors car j’ai une affaire s’il vous plaît aidez moi. Moi je recevrai seulement 20 frs. puis 50 frs. pour bon-pour jusque le bon-pour sera terminé. Donc je vous envoir mes élèves avec mon livret ainsi que 17 ardoises qui ne sont pas bonnes pour vous montrer. N’oubliez pas un rideau de la classe chez les Soeurs.
Donc quant à ma classe. Ca va bien, nous avons un grand jardin, très propre et bien arranger. Nous avons planté des bananiers, des maniocs doux, des ananas, des arrachides d’avec des palmiers. Donc dès que vous serez ici, vous verrez tous ça.
Veuillez agréer, très R. Père Supérieur, les salutations cordiales de votre seriteur.

Kolokoto Pierre, moniteur de l’école rurale de Beambo Bofidji Ouest

—
Beambo, le 4 décembre 1935

Très R. Père Supérieur

J’ai l’honneur de vous faire cette petite lettre.
Quant à la fiancée elle n’est pas dans ma maison. Mais elle est toujours au village natal, je n’ai pas assez de l’argent pour qu’elle viens dans ma maison, ses parents me demandent 1000 frs donc j’ai remis seulement 250 frs la dotte pas encore assez, comme je vous ai écri de vous m’envoyer 400 frs ce pour compléter la dotte, alors comment le catéchiste parle que moi je montre le mauvais exemple. Est-ce qu’elle dans ma maison? Si j’avais au moins 7000 frs la femme serais dans ma maison puis je l’enverrais au même instant à la mission, parce que nous avons l’obligation qu’un moniteur ne peut pas rester avec une femme car il ne pas encore marié avec.
Aussi nous ne pouvons pas envoyer une femme à la mission car la dotte pas encore terminé, sinon nous aurons toujours des difficulté contre ses parents, on me dira aussi que je suis un voleur.
Quant au catéchiste il n’est pas content de moi. Un jour il m’a demandé: comment les missionnaires ne donnent pas de l’argent aux catéchistes alors ils donnent seulement aux moniteurs. Donc pour cela il n’enseigne pas encore comme avant. deux semaines à la forêt pour chercher des copals copaux. trois semaines à la forêt pour la chasse puis les chrétiens prient seulement eux-mêmes quand il vient de la forêt seulement pour fabriquer des liriques. il dit où aurais-je de l’argent pour donner aux massons? je fréquenterai à la forêt pour chercher du copal.
Maintenant il a un fils donc son fils en ai une femme. le catechiste même qui a remsi la dotte puis ils sont dans sa maison même est-ce qu’ils sont mariés ils sont restés pendant 8 mois. Pourquoi il ne l’envoie pas à la mission tous les chrétiens de Beambo ne sont pas content de lui à cause qu’il ne reste pas au village toujours à la forêt. La chapelle que le Père Moeyens avait laissé la ….. (?), pas encore finit depuis 11 mois on prie seulement à sa maison. Sa femme dispute toujours contre les élèves, à cause de le jardin des élèves même; elle avait coupé un régime de banane puis les élèves sont encore contre moi donc moi je dis je dirai au père Supérieur.
Maintenant j’ai déjà commencé l’examen malgré s’il n’avais pas l’examen je serais à Bamanya immédiatement donc je viendrai après l’examen. Je serai à Bamanya 22 décembre.

Je vous envoie aussi mon livret pour le mois de novembre.
les salutations cordiales
le votre serviteur

Kolokoto Pierre

—

4.
Beambo, le 16 février 1936

J’ai l’honneur de vous faire connaître que je suis en bonne santé ainsi que mes élèves. Pour la classe les élèves sont très contents ainsi que leurs parents, parce que j’ai resté encore ici avec leurs fils, mais les élèves de deuxième année d’études nous demandent des livres (2e partie) pour chaque élève, ainsi que des cahiers de devoir, un livre de manuel français pour les apprendre un peu le français (lecture).
Quant au moniteur > Quant à moi. envoyez moi un paquet des craies, un paquet des touches, un carnet pour la liste d’appel pour cette année. Mais n’oubliez pas un rideau pour couvrir le tablau, parce que comme j’enseigne 2 classes il faut un rideau 2,5 m de largeur et 1,5 m de hauteur.
Mais avant tout cherchez mon livret de travail que le Père Paul m’a donné. J’ai diplômé en 1934 donc le Père Paul m’avait donné 60 frs. par mois, puis en 1935 il m’a donné 70 frs par mois parce que nous avons l’augmentation de 10 frs. par ans jusqu’à la fin de notre contrat, mais si vous doutez regarder dans mon livret que le Père Paul m’a donné, il vous montrera tous. Donc pour cette année 1936 vous m’avais donné 35 frs. donc il reste 45 frs. pour compléter 80 frs. du mois de janvier.
Je vous demande aussi l’argent du mois de février parce qu’il me reste 13 jours puis je suis très éloigné donc il faut que vous m’envoyez aussi. Je vous envoie mon livret par le fils du catéchiste. Maintenant moi et le catéchiste nous sommes d’accord pour le moment depuis la fête jusqu’à’maintenant.
Donc pour les deux mois que vous avez retenu, envoyez moi l’argent d’un mois parce que nous voulons payer l’impôt. Tous les gens de Bofidji sont allés à la forêt pour chercher le copal mais tâchez de m’envoyer l’argent pour l’impôt 55 frs. On paye 55 frs. pour tous les gens de Bofidji.

Votre serviteur
Kol.

Appendix 10 – Letters from Hilaire Vermeiren to Paul Jans, from the Aequatoria Archive Transcribed from the microfilms.

1.

Bokote, 19/1/1930

Beste Paul,

Zooals ik aan broeder Medard geschreven heb, houd ik Hilario achter. Ik had er wat moeite mee na het ontvangen van de magnifieke papieren van dit heerken, maar nu kan ik het met gerusten harte doen. Dat heerken heeft hier de revolutie gestookt. Ten anderen ik ben niets tevreden over die kornuiten. Zij hebben hier mijn schoolkolonie opgemaakt, dat het een schande is. Zij vertelden niets anders dan dat ze hier veel te veel moesten werken, geen eten kregen, en dat onze moniteurs stommerikken waren, waar niets bij te leeren viel. Dat laatste is wel waar, maar dat moeten die snotneuzen toch niet komen vertellen. Ik heb er dan ook met de zweep nogal opgezeten en als ze nog ooit op vacantie komen dan zullen ze de varkenskoten mogen schoon maken en als ze roespeteren kunt ge ze den volgenden keer zonder billen verwachten. …
Paul, jongen, ik beschouw dat als een gebrek in de opvoeding; de jongens hier in Bokote zijn uiterlijk minder gedisciplineerd, dat geloof ik wel, maar innerlijk zijn ze beter, ze hebben het niet achter de mouw, steken ze schavuitenstreken uit, ik rammel ze ne keer op hun gat en zij en ik zijn content. Dat systeem van band honderij (sic) is de pest van al onze opvoedingsscholen in België en ik zie dat ze dat vervloekte systeem naar Congo overbrengen. Daar is maar één man die het heeft aangedurfd aan ons klein liefdewerk daar verandering in te brengen, namelijk de dikke Piet en die heeft het ook moeten bekoopen, die zetelt nu als surveillant perpetuel in de studie. Gij hebt dat willen veranderen en ik ook en we zitten in de Congo; sans rancune voor die wijze en vroede vaderen, maar ik citeer de feiten zooals ze zijn. Als ge er iets aan kunt doen, Paul, laat van deze mannekens geen muilezels maken.

2.

Bokote, 10/5/31

Beste Paul,

In de gauwe gauwte enkele woordjes. Ik stuur u vier jongens. … van een heiden, Joannes Yembe. Deze laatste is hier zoowat moniteur geweest. Misschien kan hij wat meer … (?) bijkrijgen in Bamania; Niettegenstaande zijn rotte plakpooten is de man toch nog al met hart en ziel de zwakke sexe toegedaan. Voldoet hij niet, stuur hem dan maar als postcollie naar zijn dorp. Ik geef hem hierbij nog een kans. Verder J. Bolenge blijft hier. Nauwelijks aangekomen had hij het al verkorven. Een jonge meid kreeg drie armbanden, oorbellen, … Belangeloze vriendschap. Bomandeke Jean en Ifaso Hilario heb ik ne keer de les gelezen. Als ze nog zoo doen een volgende maal dan kunnen ze hier ook blijven. Dat is zoo wat alles, Paul, ik zit tot over mijn oren in het werk. Binnen enkele dagen zijn hier 110 doopsels.

Hilaire.

3.

Bokote, 6/6/31,

Beste Paul,

Brief wel ontvangen. Ik had gedacht met het lange wegblijven van de boot gelegenheid te hebben om een flink antwoord te sturen. Helaas; ik heb zo wat gesukkeld en dan is het er bij gebleven. Ik denk dat al de jonge heerkens van Bokuma terug naar Bamania gaan. Heer Yembi kan u gerust zonder gewetenswroeging ontslaan van verdere ontwikkeling zijner geestesvermogens: ik heb hem een laatste kans willen geven; indien hij niet voldoet volgend trimester, geef hem dan den bons, maar zend hem bid ik u naar de regionen van Wafanya, dat is de plaats waar zijn wiege stond. Dat de jongens van Bokuma erg ingebeeld zijn, concedo, maar ze hebben het potver hier niet gekregen: waar ze het gehaald hebben, weet ik niet, maar ze hebben het van hier naar ginder niet meegebracht. … Ik heb ze hier aan het potten van den oven gezet; werk dat hun nobele handen zeker lang niet meer verricht hadden. Kon het zijn dat die heerkens hier nooit meer kwamen onder de vacantie, ik zou mij en onzen missiepost gelukkig achten. De twee exemplaren die hier gebleven zijn moet ik minstens om de maand afranselen. … Enfin, zooals ge zegt het is een crisis en heel de Congo zal die crisis wel meemaken vooral omdat een neger van nature al erg ingebeeld en met zijn eigen zich zelven gauw tevreden is.

Appendix 11 – Contextual analysis of “La Voix du Congolais”

A short explanation of the method used in the analysis of La Voix du Congolais.

The collection I consulted is almost complete, with only seven issues missing. Only three of the six issues were available from the first year (so the period March-August 1945 is missing). Issue 13 from 1947 and issue 26 from 1948 are also missing. No other issues are missing from the following years, although some numbers are not stated in the summary tables I made because there was no information of interest to us in those issues. Issues 159 and 162 from 1959 are also missing.

During the first reading of these issues a record was taken of the articles, references, photographs, opinions, etc. that fulfilled our selection criteria. These selection criteria can be summarised relatively clearly and simply: anything, in the broadest sense, relating to education, the Equateur province and/or the congregations active in the vicariate of the MSC. This first selection resulted in approximately 450 references.

In a second phase these references were copied, in which another verification was carried out with regard to the subject and the extent to which it complied with the criteria. After this, over 400 references remained and the corresponding documents were copied. The remaining documents were marked with an X.

In a third phase the copies taken were subdivided into four main groups. This division was based on the type of text. The division consists of the following four themes:

A: Illustrations (photographs)
B: Descriptive (or mostly descriptive) contributions, in which the emphasis was on the representation of situations, places, conditions, rather than on the representation of an opinion on that subject.
F: Factual information, not descriptive or narrative documents but those contributions that gave statistical or factual information.
O: Opinion. Those contributions in which the author put forward a particular opinion.

Naturally, all the documents cannot be simply allocated to one of these groups. If they overlapped I opted to only allocate them to a single group on the basis of the predominant element. With regard to the first group, it then relates to those documents that were only kept for the illustrations or which are only made up of an illustration. This is also the smallest group.

On this basis we obtained the following subdivision:

A: 14
B: 96
F: 114
O: 179

These four groups were then subdivided again into five thematic groups. The following themes were defined in this:

1: Education and Equateur
2: Equateur
3: Education
4: Gender
5: Miscellaneous

Quantitatively this gives the following:

Group 1: 19 documents
Group 2: 102 documents
Group 3: 161 documents
Group 4: 32 documents
Group 5: 89 documents

Juxtaposing these two divisions gives the following total representation:

A few very general remarks have to be made: firstly the group “illustrations” is the smallest group. However, a large number of illustrations were also in the other categories, which were then not explicitly counted. A number of subjects presented to the reader over numerous issues are included in categories B and O. Each issue was maintained as such and counted as a single item. The largest subcategory was that of the opinion documents on education (general). This indicates that it was worth using the source. Naturally, the smallest of the contextual groups is that on education in the Equateur province. That is not illogical as it relates to a theme that was delineated following multiple criteria, and the periodical had to consider a lot of themes for the entire colony.

The category “miscellaneous” should perhaps be clarified: this still relates to subjects relating to education and Equateur but those that are broader or related but situated within the context of the research. With illustrations this mainly relates to school photographs or photographs of specific people. In opinion articles it may, for example, relate to “évolués”. In the factual information it may relate to a contribution on authority or a speech by the governor general. I really only distilled the fourth category in the second instance from this miscellaneous category because it proved to be a relatively large body of material (particularly opinion documents) on the education / civilisation / development of woman in Congolese society.

In the final phase each document was given a concise commentary at the very least (both regarding the photographs and the longer documents) and in a number of cases literal information was also copied from them. All references were copied into an Excel file at that point, with a short reference to the title, subject and, if given, the author. Every contribution was given its own coding, which consisted of the year, page number and category codes to which the contribution belonged. In a small number of cases there were some documents with exactly the same code. The starting page was then used to distinguish between these.

Appendix 12 – The history of the emergence of schools in the Equator province, by Stephane Boale (The text has been copied word-for-word from the written document.)

Création des écoles de village

L’origine des écoles dites de village se situe vers 1880. C’était fait par les premiers missionaires Trappistes chez les Mongo du tribu Mbole, Bosaka, Nkole, Bolukutu et Bakutu, lesquels se trouvent sur les 5 rivières Luafa, Lomela, Busira, Salonga et Momboyo (voir la carte de la province de l’Equateur), autrement appelé la région de l’Equateur Sud.

L’esquisse de cette historique rempli d’enseignements, nous l’avons reçue grâce à monsieur Boale Stéphane du village de Momboyo monEnE, secteur Dzera, du territoire de Boende, district de la Tshuapa, province de l’Equateur Sud. L’intéressé est diplômé de l’école normale de Bamanya, ancien commis de l’Etat au service de la météorologie du Congo Belge, pour lequel il a effectué beaucoup de stages à l’étranger, ce qui lui a fourni une bagage de formation solide. Et compte tenu de ce qui vient de nous être revelé, l’intéressé veut nous livrer ses impressions sur l’histoire de l’école de village, lui léguées par ses ancêtres et les vieux du village qui y véçurent dès l’arrivée des blancs, missionnaires trappistes vers les années 1890. Ils étaient venus pour l’évangélisation du Congo Belge, afin que tous les Congolais, hommes et femmes, pourraient être baptisés, selon la mission leur confiée par S.M. le Roi Léopold II.

Ce qui fut fait. C’est ainsi que les prêtres de la congrégation des Trappistes ont répondu vivement à l’appel lancé par le Roi Léopold II à desservir le bassin du Congo, particulièrement la sous-région de l’Equateur, pour ainsi collaborer à l’évangélisation de ce peuplade.

Dès leur arrivée à l’Equateur (Mbandaka) les premiers missionnaires ont fondé leur première mission à Mpaku, en amont plus ou moins trois kilomètres de la ville de Mbandaka. Malheureusement, à cause de l’état malsain du lieu, ils ont du se déplacer pour fonder une nouvelle mission à Boloko wa Nsimba, plus près de la ville de Mbandaka, et vers la mission protestante de Bolenge. Et ensuite le fondement de missions ne devrait pas se limiter qu’au centre de la ville de Mbandaka, mais a été transféré à travers les 5 rivières cités ci-haut. Voici la liste des missions catholiques fondées par les prêtres Trappistes:

Boloko wa Nsimba
Bamanya
Bokuma
Boteka
Imbonga
Wafanya
Bolima
Bokote
Bokela
Boende
Bokungu
Ikela

Comment devaient-ils évangéliser un peuple dont ils ne connaissaient ni la langue, ni la culture, ni les moeurs? Autant de questions furent posées à qui veut l’entendre. Mais sachez que Jésus Chrtist avait dit à ses disciples que “je ne vous laisserai pas orphélins, je serai avec vous tout le temps (par l’esprit)”. A ce dire, les missionaires Trappistes étaient convainçus que tout irait selon les paroles du Christ. La meilleure méthode de communication employée par les Trappistes auprès du peuple Mongo était celle de la pédagogie appliquée avec persuasion, car il n’y avait pas seulement l’enseignement de la parole de Dieu, mais aussi celui de l’écriture (alphabet) lesquelles devaient aller de pair pour une bonne compréhension et une réussite totale des enseignements donnés. “Les paroles s’envolent, mais l’écriture reste” dit-on. D’où est né l’école du village. L’école du village créé par les missionaires Trappistes n’était pas une école en soi, mais un système inventé par eux-mêmes afin de permettre aux catéchumènes que la combinaison de l’Evangile enseigné et l’écriture apprise pourraient leur donner des bons fruits à la récolte, suite à la qualité de l’enseignement donné et son appréciation par ceux qui l’écoutaient. Connaissance de la langue Lomongo (ou Lonkundo): c’est la seule que tout le peuple Mongo parle, de la mission Boloko wa Nsimba, passant par toutes les missions citées ci-haut. Elle est parlé dans son ensemble par les Mongo du Sud de l’Equateur.

Les prêtres Trappistes se sont efforcés, graduellement, et peu à peu, avec assurance à l’étude de la langue Mongo, et sont arrivés à balbutier l’Evangile dans cette langue, dont le recrutement des catéchistes et quelques jeunes de bonne volonté dépendait, car le nombre de pères Trappistes n’était pas suffisant pour ainsi affluer dans toutes les missions. C’est ainsi qu’il faut repartir tous sortants de l’école du village pour ainsi suppléer à la pénurie des prêtres et les épauler dans cette noble mission, en attendant l’arrivée, de l’Europe, d’autres prêtres. Lorsque l’enseignement de l’écriture a été reconnu par son importance et sa viabilité auprès de la jeunesse montante, il a permis à tout le monde sans exception, de se faire instruire et baptiser, pour ainsi tirer les bénéfices collosaux de la connaissance de l’écriture. C’est ainsi qu’il y avait beaucoup de croyants qui ont abandonné leurs coutumes afin de servir Dieu qui incarne l’écriture (magie), qui a permis une communication facile avec ceux qui sont loin de nous.

Prise de l’école du village par l’Etat.

Par les rapports que les catéchistes adressent auprès des curés de chaque mission, parlant de leurs activités dans la mission, spécialement tous les activités de l’école de village, celles-ci ont retenu l’attention des responsables des missions. Alors ces derniers ont instruit l’autorité de l’Etat de cette situation préoccupante et promettante pour l’avenir du Congo Belge. Il a été décidé par l’autorité compétente la création des écoles rurales et primaires subsidiées par l’autorité de l’Etat, en engeagant les moniteurs, lesquels seront sous l’autorité des missionaires. Ainsi est né les écoles rurales et primaires avec un programme imposé par l’Etat et non comme était l’école du village sans programme. L’Etat devait à peine s’occuper de l’enseignement, lequel devait être suivi par les inspecteurs sur toutes les normes dictées par l’Etat.

(transcription du document rédigé par Stéphane Boale, rendu à l’auteur le 27 Octobre 2003.)

 

Appendix 13 – “Extrait de la causerie du Ministre des Colonies, M. Jules Renquin avec les premiers missionnaires catholiques du Congo-Belge” [Extract from a talk given by the Minister for the Colonies, Mr Jules Renquin, to the first Belgian Catholic missionaries to the Belgian Congo]. The text was acquired from Jean Indenge, Brussels, November 2003

« EXTRAIT DE LA CAUSERIE DU MINISTRE DES COLONIES, M. JULES RENQUIN EN 1920 AVEC LES PREMIERS MISSIONNAIRES CATHOLIQUES DU CONGO-BELGE.
Les devoirs des Missionnaires dans notre Colonie

Révérends Pères et Chers Compatriotes,

Soyez les bienvenus dans notre seconde patrie, le Congo-Belge.

La tâche que vous êtes conviés à y accomplir est très délicate et demande beaucoup de tact. Prêtres, vous venez certes pour évangéliser. Mais cette évangélisation doit s’inspirer de notre grand principe: tout avant tout pour les intérêts de la métropole (Belgique).

Le but essentiel de votre mission n’est donc point d’apprendre aux noirs à connaître DIEU. Ils le connaissent déjà. Ils parlent et se soumettent à un NZAMBE ou un MVIDI-MUKULU, et que sais-je encore. Ils savent que tuer, voler, calomnier, injurier … est mauvais.

Ayant le courage de l’avouer, vous ne venez donc pas leur apprendre ce qu’ils savent déjà. Votre rôle consiste essentiellement à faciliter la tâche aux administratifs et aux industriels. C’est donc dire que vous interpréterez l’évangile de la façon qui sert le mieux nos intérêts dans cette partie du monde.
Pour ce faire, vous veillez entre autre à:
1° Désintéresser nos “sauvages” des richesses matérielles dont regorgent leur sol et sous-sol, pour éviter que s’intéressant, ils ne nous fassent une concurrence meurtrière et rêvent un jour à nous déloger. Votre connaissance de l’évangile vous permettra de trouver facilement des textes qui recommandent et font aimer la pauvreté. Exemple: “Heureux sont les pauvres, car le royaume des cieux est à eux” et “il est plus difficile à un riche d’entrer au ciel qu’à un chameau d’entrer par le trou d’une aiguille”. Vous ferez donc tout pour que ces Nègres aient peur de s’enrichir pour mériter le ciel.
2° Les contenir pour éviter qu’ils ne se révoltent. Les Administratifs ainsi que les industriels se verront obligés de temps en temps, pour se faire craindre, de recourir à la violence (injurier, battre …) Il ne faut pas que les Nègres ripostent ou nourrissent des sentiments de vengeance. Pour cela, vous leur enseignerez de tout supporter. Vous commenterez et les inviterez à suivre l’exemple de tous les saints qui ont tendu la deuxième joue, qui ont pardonné les offenses, qui ont reçu sans tressaillir les crachats et les insultes.
3° Les détacher et les faire mépriser tout ce qui pourrait leur donner le courage de nous affronter. Je songe ici spécialement à leurs nombreux fétiches de guerre qu’ils prétendent les rendre invulnérables. Etant donné que les vieux n’entendraient point les abandonner, car ils vont bientôt disparaître: votre action doit porter essentiellement sur les jeunes.
4° Insister particulièrement sur la soumission et l’obéissance aveugles. Cette vertu se pratique mieux quand il y a absence d’esprit critique. Donc évitez de développer l’esprit critique dans vos écoles. Apprenez-leur à croire et non à raisonner. Instituez pour eux un système de confession qui fera de vous de bons détectives pour dénoncer tout noir ayant une prise de conscience et qui revendiquerait l’indépendance nationale.
5° Enseignez-leur une doctrine dont vous ne mettrez pas vous-même les principes en pratique. Et s’ils vous demandaient pourquoi vous vous comportez contrairement à ce que vous prêchez, répondez-leur que “vous les noirs, suivez ce que nous vous disons et non ce que nous faisons”. Et s’ils répliquaient en vous faisant remarquer qu’une foi sans pratique est une foi morte, fâchez-vous et répondez: “heureux ceux qui croient sans protester”.
6° Dites-leur que leurs statuettes sont l’oeuvre de Satan. Confisquez-les et allez remplir nos musées: de Tervurene, du Vatican. Faites oublier aux noirs leurs ancêtres.
7° Ne présentez jamais une chaise à un noir qui vient vous voir. Donnez-lui tout au plus une cigarette. Ne l’invitez jamais à dîner même s’il vous tue une poule chaque fois que vous arrivez chez lui.
8° Considérez tous les noirs comme de petits enfants que vous devez continuer à tromper. Exigez qu’ils vous appellent tous “mon père”.
9° Criez au communisme et à la persécution quand ils vous demandent de cesser de les tromper et de les exploiter.
Ce sont là chers Compatriotes, quelques-uns des principes que vous appliquerez sans faille. Vous en trouverez beaucoup d’autres dans des livres et textes qui vous seront remis à la fin de cette séance.

Le Roi attache beaucoup d’importance à votre mission. Aussi a-t-il décidé de faire tout pour vous la faciliter. Vous jouirez de la très grande protection des Administratifs.
Vous aurez de l’argent pour vos oeuvres Evangéliques et vos déplacements.
Vous recevrez gratuitement des terrains de construction pour leur mise en valeur, vous pourrez disposer d’une main d’oeuvre gratuite.
Voilà donc Révérends Pères et Chers Compatriotes, ce que j’ai été prié de vous faire savoir en ce jour.
Main dans la main, travaillons donc pour la grandeur de notre Chère Patrie.

Vive le Souverain,

Vive la Belgique.

Source: Avenir colonial Belge, 30 octobre 1920, Bruxelles.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Literature

A
Ackers, J. en Hardman, F. (2001). Classroom interaction in Kenyan Primary Schools. In Compare, XXXI, 2, p. 246-261.
Alban, [Frère] (1970). Histoire de l’institut des frères des écoles chrétiennes. Expansion hors de France (1700-1966). Rome: Frères des Ecoles Chrétiennes. p. 641-643.
Altbach, P.G. & Kelly, G.P. (eds.) (1984). Education and the colonial experience. New Brunswick: Transaction.
Ancelot, H. (1954). Coquilhatville 1954: en parcourant les quartiers de la ville. In L’actualité congolaise. Edition B, n° 209, p. 1-2.
Anstey, R. (1966). King Leopold’s legacy: The Congo under Belgian rule 1908-1960. London: Oxford University Press.
Arens, B. (1925). Manuel des missions catholiques. Leuven: Museum Lessianum.
Arnaut, K., Bulcaen, C., Vanhee, H. & Kerstens, P. (2003). Driemaal Verlinden: het drama van een journalist-historicus.
At http://cas1.elis.rug.ac.be/avrug/pdf02/verli_01.pdf (and 02, 03, 04).
Asselberghs, H. & Lesage, D. (1999). Globalisering als neokolonialisme. Inleiding bij een catalogus voor een mogelijk museum. In id. (ed.), Het museum van de natie. Van kolonialisme tot globalisering. Brussel: Gevaert.
Austen, R.A. & Headrick, R. (1983). Equatorial Africa under Colonial rule. In Birmingham, D. & Martin, P.M. (eds.), History of Central Africa. London/New York: Longman. vol. 2. p. 27-94.
B
Balagopalan, S. (2002). Constructing indigenous childhoods: colonialism, vocational education and the working child. In Childhood: a global journal of child research, IX, 1, p. 19-34.
Balegamire, Bazilashe J. (1989). Scolarisation, exode rural et nouveaux critères d’ascension sociale au Zaïre. In Genève-Afrique, XXVIII, p.77-86.
Barringer, T. (2000). Why are missionary periodicals (not) so boring? The Missionary Periodicals Database Project. In African Research and Documentation, LXXXIV, p. 33-46.
Berman, E.H. (ed.) (1975).
African Reactions to Missionary Education. New York/London: Teachers College Press.
Beyen, M. (1998). Vlaamsch zijn in het bloed en niet alleen in de hersenen: het Vlaamse volk tussen ras en cultuur (1919-1939). In Beyen, M. & Vanpaemel G. (Eds.), Rasechte wetenschap? Het rasbegrip tussen wetenschap en politiek vóór de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Leuven: Acco. p. 173-201.
Beyens, A. (1992). L’histoire du statut des villes. In Congo 1955-1960: recueil d’études – Congo 1955-1960: verzameling studies. Bruxelles: ARSOM. p. 15-70.
Bickers, R.A. and Seton, R. (ed.) (1996). Missionary encounters, sources and issues. Surrey: Curzon Press.
Block, J.P. (1992). La guerre scolaire au Congo Belge sous Auguste Buisseret (1954-1958). Ses prémices et développements. Onuitgegeven licentiaatsverhandeling. Université Libre de Bruxelles.
Blommaert, J. (2001). Ex-shit Congo – Het No Man’s land van de Kongolese verbeelding. http://cas1.elis.rug.ac.be/avrug/exshit.htm (10/2004)
Blondeel, W. (1973).
Het evangelisatiewerk der katholieke missies binnen de kolonisatie van Kongo, 1876-1926. Detailstudie: Witte Paters en Broeders van de Kristelijke Scholen. Unpublished masters dissertation. University of Ghent.
Boelaert, E. (1939). De Nkundo-maatschappij. In Kongo-Overzee, VI, 1, p. 148-161.
Boelaert, E. (1953). Charles Lemaire: Premier commissaire du district de l’équateur. In Bulletin des Séances de l’Insitut Royal Colonial Belge, XXIV, p. 506-535.
Bolamba, A.R. (1950). Impressions de voyage. Coquilhatville. In La Voix du Congolais, VI, p. 212-214.
Bolamba, A.R. (1955). Coquilhatville en 1954. In La Voix du Congolais, XI, p. 88-105.
Bolela, A. (1971). Un aperçu de la presse congolaise écrite par les noirs de 1885 à 1960. In Congo-Afrique, XI, 20-21.
Bontinck, F. (1984). La genèse de la Convention entre le Saint-Siège et l’Etat Indépendant du Congo. In Revue Africaine de Théologie, VIII, p. 197-239.
Boonants, B. (1982). Het beeld van Belgisch Kongo in de geschiedenishandboeken van het middelbaar onderwijs in België, 1904 tot 1980. Onuitgegeven licentiaatsverhandeling. K.U. Leuven.
Boone, A.Th. & Depaepe, M. (1996). Over het wezen en de betekenis van de koloniaal-pedagogische traditie in België en Nederland. In Pedagogisch Tijdschrift, XXI, 2, p. 81-85.
Bormans, Y. (1984). Een Unilever plantagebedrijf in de Belgische Kongo: de Société des Huileries du Congo Belge, 1911-1938. Onuitgegeven licentiaatsverhandeling. K.U.Leuven.
Bosmans-Hermans, A. (1983). The international economic expansion of Belgium and the primary school (1905-1910). In Rozprawy z dziejów oswiaty, XXV, p. 179-186.
Boucquillon, C. (1983). Missionaire opvoeding in het lager en het kleuteronderwijs, 1945-1980. Een onderzoek van de opvattingen en het aanbod van het pauselijk missiewerk der kinderen. Onuitgegeven licentiaatsverhandeling. K.U. Leuven.
Boudens, R. (1989). De negentiende-eeuwse missionaire beweging. In Boudens, R. (ed.) Rond Damiaan. Handelingen van het colloquium n.a.v. de honderdste verjaardag van het overlijden van pater Damiaan 9-10 maart 1989. Kadoc Studies 7, Leuven: University Press. p. 16-39.
Boyle, P.M. (1995). School wars: Church, State and the death of the Congo. In The journal of modern African studies, XXXIII, 3. p. 451-468.
Bral, J. (ed.) (1984). De Mongo cultuur. De Mongo: bewoners van het Evenaarswoud in Zaïre (Tentoonstellingscatalogus). Brussel: Gemeentekrediet.
Brausch, G. (1961). Belgian administration in the Congo. London: Oxford University Press.
Briffaerts, J. (2004). Center and periphery as a framework for the history of colonial education. In Dhoker, M. & Depaepe, M. (ed.) (2004). Op eigen vleugels. Liber amicorum An Hermans. Leuven: Garant. p. 96-106.
Briffaerts, J. (2003). De rol van de staat in de onderwijsorganisatie in Belgisch Kongo (1908-1958). In Boekholt, P., Van Crombrugge, H., Dodde, N.L. & Tyssens, J., Tweehonderd jaar onderwijs en de zorg van de Staat, Jaarboek voor de geschiedenis van opvoeding en onderwijs 2002. Asse: Van Gorcum. p. 185-203.
Briffaerts, J. (2003). Etude comparative de manuels scolaires au Congo Belge: Cas des Pères Dominicains et des Missionnaires du Sacré Coeur. In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H., Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. Leuven: Presses Universitaires. p. 167-196.
Briffaerts, J. (2002). What was it like in the colonial classroom? Ongoing research on the reality of colonial education in the Mbandaka region, Belgian Congo, 1908-1960. Paper presented during the annual conference of the American History of Education Society, Pittsburgh, PA, November 2002.
Briffaerts, J. (2002). ‘De last van het verleden’. Een bevoorrecht getuige aan het woord over onderwijs in Kongo. In Basis / Christene School, CIX, 14 September 2002, p. 27-30.
Briffaerts, J. (1999). De schoolstrijd in Belgisch Congo (1930-1958). In Witte, E., Degroof, J. en Tyssens, J. (eds.), Het schoolpact van 1958. Ontstaan, grondlijnen en toepassing van een Belgisch compromis – Le pacte scolaire de 1958. Origines, principes et application d’un compromis belge, Brussel: VUB PRESS. p. 331-358.
Briffaerts, J. (1995). Over Belgische politiek en Congolese scholen. Unpublished seminar paper. Vrije Unversiteit Brussel.
Briffaerts, J. & Dhondt, P. (2003). The Dangers of Urban Development. Missionary discourse on education and urban growth in the Belgian Congo (1920-1960). In Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, LIX, 2, p. 81-102.
Briffaerts, J. & Vancaeyseele, L. (2004). Le discours de la nouvelle éducation dans le contexte colonial: le grand malentendu. Paper presented at the 26th International Standing Conference for the History of Education in Geneva, July 2004.
Budd, R.W., Thorp, R.K. & Donohew, L. (1967). Content analysis of communications, New York: MacMillan.
C
Catteeuw, K. (2001). Als de muren konden spreken, schoolwandplaten als visuele media in het Belgisch onderwijs. text doctoral seminar K.U.Leuven, March 2001.
Ceuppens, B. (2003). Congo made in Flanders? Koloniale Vlaamse visies op “blank” en “zwart” in Belgisch Congo. Gent: Academia Press.
Ceuppens, B. (2003). Onze Congo? Congolezen over de kolonisatie. Leuven: Davidsfonds.
Claessens, A. (1980). Les conflits, dans l’Equateur, entre les Trappistes et la Société Anonyme Belge (1908-1914). In Revue Africaine de Théologie, 4, p. 5-18.
Claessens, A. (1980). Les péripéties de la vie contemplative des Pères Trappistes à Bamanya (1894-1909). In Annales Aequatoria, I, p. 87-115.
Cleys, B. (2002). Andries Dequae. De zelfgenoegzaamheid van een koloniaal bestuur (1950-1954). Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven. (This thesis was actually published at the website http://users.skynet.be/st.lodewijk/e-thesis/index.html. ).
Collins, R. et al (1994). Historical Problems of Imperial Africa. Princeton: Markus Wiener.
Cooper, F. (1994). Conflict and connection: rethinking colonial African history. In American Historical Review, V, p. 1516-1545.
Coquery-Vidrovitch, C. (1993). Histoire des villes d’Afrique noire. Des origines à la colonisation. Paris: Albin Michel.
Corbey, R. (1989). Wildheid en beschaving. De Europese verbeelding van Afrika. Baarn: Ambo.
Cornevin, R. (1989). Histoire du Zaire: des origines à nos jours. 4e édition. Paris: Payot.
Couttenier, M. (2004). Fysieke antropologie, koloniale etnografie en het museum van Tervuren. Een geschiedenis van de Belgische antropologie (1882-1925). Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven.
Couttenier, M. (2002). Antropologie en het museum. Tervuren en het ontwerp van ‘zelf’ en ‘andere’ in een Belgische burgerlijke ideologie (1882-1925). Text from doctoral seminar, January 2001.
Crocco, M. & Waite, C. (2003). Fighting Injustice through Higher Education. Paper presented at the British History of Education Society Annual Conference, December 2003.
Cuban, L. (1993). How Teachers Taught. Constancy and Change in American Classroom, 1880-1980. New York: Teachers College, Columbia University.
D
Dams, K., Depaepe, M. & Simon, F. (2002).
‘By indirections finding directions out’: Classroom history, Sources and Objectives. In Jamrożek, W. & Żołądź-Strzelczyk, D. (eds.), W dialogu z przeszłością. Księga poświęcona Profesorowi Janowi Hellwigowi [Dialogue with the past. In memoriam Professor Jan Hellwig]. Poznan: Adam Mickiewicz University Press. p. 57-92.
Dams, K., Depaepe, M. & Simon, F. (1999).
Sneaking into school: classroom history at work. In Grosvenor, I., Lawn, M. & Rousmaniere, K. (eds.), Silences and Images. The Social History of the Classroom (History of Schools and Schooling 7), New York: Peter Lang. p. 13-46.
De Baets, A. (1988). Beeldvorming over niet-westerse culturen. De invloed van het geschiedenisschoolboek op de publieke opinie in Vlaanderen 1945-1984. Gent: RUG, Faculteit Letteren.
De Boeck, F. (2003). Kinshasa: Tales of the “invisible city” and the Second World. In Enwezor, O. et al (ed.) Under Siege: Four African Cities Freetown, Johannesburg, Kinshasa, Lagos. Documenta 11_Platform 4. Ostfildern-Ruit: Hatje Canz Verlag.
De Boeck, F. (1996). Het discours van de postkolonialiteit: de problematiek van identiteit en representatie. In J. Vlasselaers en J. Baetens (eds.), Handboek culturele studies. Concepten-problemen-methode. Leuven: Acco. p. 139-149.
De Boeck, F. (1996). Postcolonialism, power and identity: local and global perspectives from Zaire. In Werbner, R. & Ranger, T. (eds.), Postcolonial Identities in Africa. London: Zed Books, p. 75-106.
De Groof, R. & Tyssens, J. (1994). De schoolkwestie in België. Brussel: VUB-press.
De Keyser, R. (1982). Belgisch Kongo in den belgischen Geschichtslehrbüchern. In Furnrohr, W. (ed.), Afrika im Geschichtsunterricht europäischer Länder. München: Minerva.
De Lannoy, D., Seda Diangwala, M. en Yeikelo Ya Ato, B. (1986). Tango ya ba noko (Le temps des oncles): recueil de témoignages zaïrois. Les cahiers du CEDAF, Série 2: histoire, droit, politique, administration, 5-6. Bruxelles: CEDAF.
Delathuy, A.M. [= Marchal, J.] (1992). Missie en Staat in Oud-Kongo (1880-1914) Deel 1. Witte paters, scheutisten en jezuïeten. Berchem: EPO.
Delathuy, A.M. (1994). Missie en Staat in Oud-Kongo (1880-1914) Deel 2. Redemptoristen, trappisten, norbertijnen, priesters van het H. Hart en paters van Mill-Hill. Berchem: EPO.
De Maeyer, J. (2000). Geschiedenis van Kerk en religie in de nieuwste tijd. Syllabus K.U.Leuven 2000-2001.
De Meester, T. (1998).Placebo-Belgen. De reproductie van de juridische natie in Belgisch Kongo (1908-1960). In Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, XXIV, 3, p. 235-254.
Dembour, M.-B. (1999). Recalling the Belgian Congo. New York: Berghahn Books.
De Meulder, B. (1994). Reformisme, thuis en overzee. Geschiedenis van de Belgische planning in een kolonie (1880-1960). Unpublished doctoral thesis K.U.Leuven. 3 vol.
Denis, J. (1958).Le phénomène urbain en Afrique centrale. Namur: Facultés universitaires Notre-Dame de la Paix.
Denis, J. (1956). Coquilhatville: éléments pour une étude de géographie sociale. In Aequatoria, XIX, p. 137-151.
Depaepe, M. (2004). Philosophy and history of education: time to bridge the gap? Keynote address for the International Network of Philosophers of Education, Madrid 2004. Unpublished text.
Depaepe, M. (2002). Gesplitst of gespleten? De kloof tussen wetenschappelijke en praktische kennis in opvoeding en onderwijs. Leuven: Acco.
Depaepe, M. (2002). How should the history of education be written? Some reflections about the nature of the discipline from the perspective of the reception of our work. Studies in Philosophy and Education. Thematic issue D. Troehler & J. Oelkers, ed., Historiography of Education: Philosophical Questions and Case Studies. In press.
Depaepe, M. (2000). De pedagogisering achterna. Aanzet tot een genealogie van de pedagogische mentaliteit in de voorbije 250 jaar. 3rd edition. Leuven: Acco.
Depaepe, M. (1997). De spanning van verborgen agenda’s. Ontwikkelingen inzake het onderwijs in de historische pedagogiek. In Comenius, XVII, 3, p. 200-215.
Depaepe, M. (1997) Demythologizing the educational past: an endless task in history of education. In Historical studies in Education, VIII, p. 208-223.
Depaepe, M. (1996). ‘Rien ne va plus…’ De ondergang van de koloniale educatieve structuren in Zaïre (1960-1995). In Pedagogisch Tijdschrift, XXI, 2, p. 145-163.
Depaepe, M. (1994). ‘Kongo, een tweede vaderland’. De kolonie in het onderwijs en het onderwijs in de kolonie (1908-1960). Ieper: Onderwijsmuseum.
Depaepe, M. (1993). History of education anno 1992: ‘a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing?’. In History of education, XXII, 1, p. 1-10.
Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H. (2003). Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. Studia Paedagogica 33. Leuven: Presses Universitaires.
Depaepe, M., Debaere, F., Van Rompaey, L. (1992). Missionary education in the Belgian Congo during the colonial period (1908-1960). In Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, XLVIII, p. 265-280.
Depaepe, M., D’hoker, M., Simon, F. & Van Gorp, A. (2000). Textbook production for primary and secondary education in Belgium, 1830-1880: prolegomena of a scientific analysis. Paper for the XXIIth Session of the International Standing Conference for the History of Education, Alcalá de Henares, September 2001.
Depaepe, M. & Van Rompaey, L. (1995). In het teken van de bevoogding. De educatieve actie in Belgisch Congo (1908-1960). Leuven: Garant.
Depaepe, M. et alii (1999). Orde in vooruitgang. Alledaags handelen in de Belgische lagere school (1880-1970). Studia Paedagogica 25. Leuven: University Press.
Depaepe, M.A., Depaepe, M., Lefebvre, R., & Aziza Etambala, Z. (1992). Tot glorie van God en tot zaligheid der zielen: brieven van Moeder Marie Adonia Depaepe over haar leven en werk als Zuster van Liefde van Jezus en Maria in Belgisch Kongo 1909-1961. Antwerpen: Standaard Uitgeverij.
Derroitte, H. (1999). L’évolution des modèles missionnaires. Dialogue d’Henri Derroitte avec le Père Joseph Masson, s.j. In Derroitte, H. & Soetens, C. (eds.), La mémoire missionaire. Les chemins sinueux de l’inculturation. Lumen Vitae: Bruxelles. p. 114-116.
de Thier, F.M. (1956). Le centre extra-coutumier de Coquilhatville. Etudes Coloniales 2. Bruxelles: Institut de Sociologie Solvay.
Dibalu, A. (1969). L’histoire de la formation des maîtres de l’enseignement élémentaire dans l’évolution de l’enseignement au Congo. Unpublished doctoral thesis, Université de Laval, Québec.
Dujardin, C. (1996). In het teken van de moderniteit: de professionalisering van het missieapostolaat in China (1870-1940). In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, V, 4, p. 344-368.
Dujardin, C. (1989). Van pionier tot dienaar. Profiel van de Belgische missionaris in historisch perspectief (1800-1989). In Boudens, R. (ed.), Rond Damiaan. Handelingen van het colloquium n.a.v. de honderdste verjaardag van het overlijden van pater Damiaan 9-10 maart 1959. Kadoc-studies 7. Leuven: University Press. p. 114-187.
Dujardin, C. (1987). Het gebruik van mondelinge bronnen. Toelichting in verband met een interviewproject van Oud-Chinamissionarissen. In De Leiegouw, March 1987, p. 111-118.
Durieux, A. (1947). La réorganisation du ministère des colonies. In Zaïre, III, p. 271-280.
E
Eggermont, B. (1994). Se marier chrétiennement au Congo Belge. Les stratégies appliquées par les Missionaires de Scheut (CICM) au Kasai, 1919-1935. In Missionering en inculturatie, Bulletin van het Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome, LXIV, p. 113-147.
Eloko a Nongo Otshudiema (1975). Les structures inconscientes de “La Voix du Congolais” (1959). Les cahiers du CEDAF, 2/3. Bruxelles: CEDAF.
Engels, A. (1934). Quelques observations sur les migrations indigènes dans la région de l’Equateur. In Bulletin des Séances de l’Institut Royal Colonial Belge, V, p. 218-226.
Etambala, Z.A. (1987). Un centenaire: le séminaire Africain de Louvain (1886-1888). In Les Nouvelles Rationalités Africaines, II, 6, p. 322.
F
Fabian, J. (2003). Forgetful Remembering: A colonial life in the Congo. In Africa, LXXIII, 4, p. 489- 505.
Fabian, J. (2001). Anthropology with an attitude. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Fabian, J. (1991). Time and the work of anthropology. Critical essays 1971-1991. Chur: Harwood Academic Publishers.
Fabian, J. (1986). Language and colonial power, the appropriation of Swahili in the former Belgian Congo, 1880-1938. Cambridge: University Press.
Feltz, G. (1981).Une introduction à l’histoire de l’enseignement en Afrique centrale (XIXe-XXe siécles): idéologies, pouvoirs et sociétés. In Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome, LI, p. 351-400.
Ferrand, I. (2001). Congo 1955-1960. De aanloop naar de onafhankelijkheid. Een analyse van de berichtgeving in drie Vlaamse kranten. Unpublished master’s thesis. University of Gent. At www.ethesis.net
Fieldhouse, D.K. (1978). Unilever overseas. the anatomy of a multinational 1895-1965. Stanford: University Press.
Foley, D.E. (ed.) (2002). Writing ethnographies: some queries and reflections. Theme issue of International journal of qualitative studies in education, XV, 4. p. 383-495.
François, W. (2001). Een tropische storm in katholiek België. De controverse rond de plaats van de katholieke missies in Congo-Vrijstaat (1905-1906). In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, X, p. 136-159
Fricoteaux, L. (1992). La formation au sein d’un institut missionnaire féminin, les Soeurs Blanches au XXe siècle. Y a-t-il eu une influence des semaines de missiologie de Louvain? In Spindler, M. & Gadille, J. (eds.). Sciences de la mission et formation missionnaire au XXe siècle. Actes de la XIIe session du CREDIC. Lyon/ Bologna: LUGD/EMI. p. 319-332.
Frijhoff, W. (1997). Toeëigening: van bezitsdrang naar betekenisgeving. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, VI, 2, p. 99-118.
G
Gasibirege Rugema, S. (1989). Approche du processus d’inadaptation: adaptation de l’enseignement primaire à travers les réformes scolaires au Zaïre (1880-1980). Cahiers du CEDAF, Série 1: Anthropologie, sociologie, géographie, démographie, 2/3. Bruxelles: CEDAF.
Gazi, L. (1990). L’enseignement du français au Zaire revisité (1948-1980). Les Cahiers du CEDAF, Série 1: Anthropologie, sociologie, géographie, démographie, 5. Bruxelles: CEDAF.
Geertz, C. (1993). The Interpretation of Cultures. London: Fontana.
Gérard, A. (1977). Etudes de littérature africaine francophone. Dakar/Abidjan: Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines.
Gevers, L., Put, E., Roes, J. & Spiertz, M. (1996). Da mihi Belgas. De Nederlanden en hun missie. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, V, 4, p. 305
Gilbert, R. (1989). Text analysis and ideology critique of curricular content. In De Castell, S., Luke, A. and Luke, C. (ed.), Language, authority and criticism. Readings on the school textbook. London: Falmer Press. p. 61-73.
Gingrich, N.L. (1971). Belgian educational policy in the Congo, 1945-1960. Onuitgegeven doctoraatsverhandeling. Tulane University, VS.
Gobardhan-Rambocus, L. (2001). Onderwijs als sleutel tot maatschappelijke vooruitgang. Een taal- en onderwijsgeschiedenis van Suriname, 1651-1975. Zutphen: Walburg Pers.
Gourévitch, A.I. (1990). Histoire et anthropologie historique. In Diogène: Revue International des Sciences Humaines, CLI, p. 79-94.
Gourévitch, A.I. (1994). La double responsabilité de l’historien. In Diogène: Revue International des Sciences Humaines, CLXVIII, p. 67-86.
H
Havelock, E. (1989). Instruction of preliterate cultures. In De Castell, S., Luke, A. en Luke, C., Language, authority and criticism. Readings on the school textbook. London: Falmer press. p. 223-230.
Helmreich, J.E. (1983). The Uranium negotiations of 1944. In Le Congo belge durant la Seconde guerre mondiale: recueil d’études. Bijdragen over Belgisch-Congo tijdens de Tweede wereldoorlog. Bruxelles: ARSOM.
Hendrickson, F.H. (1964). A study of the reactions of selected Congo missionaries toward presumed criticisms of missionary education in Africa. Educational Degree Doctoral Report at Teachers college, Columbia University.
Hochschild, A. (1998). King Leopold’s ghost. A story of greed, terror and heroism in colonial Africa. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Hogema, J.M. (1996). Verhalen van missionarissen uit en over Afrika. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, V, 4, p. 403-411.
Horner, N.A. (1965). Cross and crucifix in Mission. A comparison of Protestant-Roman Catholic Missionary Strategy. New York/Nashville: Abingdon Press.
Hulstaert, G. [postuum] (1992). La linguistique et l’histoire des Móngo. In Annales Aequatoria, XIII, p. 53-66.
Hulstaert, G. [postuum] (1991). L’épopée Lianja et l’histoire. In Annales Aequatoria, XII, p. 163-178.
Hulstaert, G. (1990). Aux origines de la mission de Bamanya. In Annales Aequatoria, XI, p. 427-428.
Hulstaert, G. (1990). Souvenirs du vieux Bamanya. In Annales Aequatoria, XI, p. 429-432.
Hulstaert, G. (1957). Dictionnaire Lomongo-Français. Annales du Musée Royal du Congo Belge, Série In-8: Sciences de l’homme, Linguistique. Tervuren: Koninklijk museum van Belgisch-Congo. 2 vol.
I
Irvine, C. (1978). The church of Christ in Zaïre. A handbook of Protestant churches, missions and communities, 1878-1978. Indianapolis: Christian Church Services.
J
Jadot, J.M. (1959). Les écrivains africains du Congo belge et du Ruanda-Urundi. Une histoire – Un bilan – Des problèmes. Académie royale des Sciences coloniales. Classe des sciences morales et politiques. Mémoires in-8°. Nouvelle série. Tome XVII, fasc. 2. Bruxelles: Académie royale des Sciences coloniales.
Jewsiewicki, B. (1993). Naître et mourir au Zaïre. Un demi-siècle d’histoire au quotidien. Paris: Editions Karthala.
Jewsiewicki, B. (1986). Belgian Africa. In Roberts, A.D. (ed.), The Cambridge history of Africa, vol. 7, From 1905 to 1940. Cambridge: University Press. p. 460-493.
Jewsiewicki, B. (1972). Notes sur l’histoire socio-économique du Congo (1880-1960). In Etudes d’Histoire Africaine, III, p. 209-241.
Jewsiewicki, B. & Montal, F. (eds.) (1988). Récits de vie et mémoires. Vers une anthropologie historique du souvenir. Paris/Québec: L’Harmattan/Safi.
K
Kelly, G.P. (1984). The presentation of indigenous society in the schools of French West Africa and Indochina, 1918-1938. In Comparative Studies in Society and History, XXVI, p. 523-542.
Kita, P. (2004). Lente éclosion de l’enseignement secondaire au Congo Belge: Histoire d’un enjeu politique. In Dhoker, M. & Depaepe, M. (eds.) Op eigen vleugels. Liber amicorum An Hermans. Leuven: Garant. p. 107-119.
Kita, P. (2003). La chanson scolaire dans l’éducation coloniale au Congo Belge: Référentiel théorique. In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita, P. & Vinck, H. Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. Leuven: University Press. p. 197-227.
Kita, P. (2003). Les livrets de lecture des Pères Blancs du Kivu (1910-1950). In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H. Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. P. 31-94.
Kita, P. (2003) L’éducation féminine au Congo Belge. Paper for the conference “Vrouw en Afrika” (Woman and Africa), Zusters Annuntiaten, Heverlee. Unpublished text.
Kita, P. (1982). Colonisation et enseignement. Bukavu: Editions du Ceruki.
Kita, P. & Depaepe, M. (2004). La chanson scolaire au Congo Belge. Anthologie. Paris: L’Harmattan.
Kothari, U. (2003). From colonialism to development: Oral histories, life geographies and travelling cultures. Lecture given at the Centre for Comparative Pedagogy, K.U. Leuven, 20 January 2003. Unpublished text.
Kumar, A. & Welz, F. (2001). Culture in the World-system: an interview with Immanuel Wallerstein. In Social Identities, VII, 2, p. 221-231.
Kwanten, G. (2001). August-Edmond De Schryver (1898-1991): politieke biografie van een gentleman-staatsman. KADOC-studies 27. Leuven: University Press.
L
Laspalas, J. (2002). Introducción a la historiografía de la educación. Pamplona: EUNSA.
Lelyveld, J.E.A.M. (2002). Opvoeding tot autonomie. Fictie of werkelijkheid? Koloniaal onderwijs en de zorg van de staat in Nederlands-Indië 1801-1949. In Boekholt, P., Van Crombrugge, H., Dodde, N.L. & Tyssens, J. (eds.) Tweehonderd jaar onderwijs en de zorg van de Staat. Jaarboek voor de geschiedenis van opvoeding en onderwijs 2002, Assen: Van Gorcum. p. 204-220.
Lemarchand, R. (2001). The democratic Republic of Congo: From collapse to potential reconstruction. Lecture given at the Centre of African Studies, University of Copenhagen, September 2001. http://www.teol.ku.dk/cas/nyhomepage/Hjemmeside_engelsk/index_engelsk.htm
Léonard, H. (1936). Le contrat de travail au Congo Belge et au Ruanda-Urundi (entre indigènes et maîtres civilisés). In Les Novelles: corpus juris Belgici. Droit colonial, tôme II. Bruxelles: Larcier. p. 357-384.
Lisobe, J. (1970). L’analyse du contenu de “La Voix du Congolais” 1945-1959. In Cahiers congolais de la recherche et du développement, 3, p. 46-70.
Locher-Scholten, E. (2002). Land van ooit, land van nu. Koloniale herinneringen in Nederland 1980-2001. In Ons Erfdeel, XLV, p. 661-671.
Lufungula L. (1995). Participation des Congolais à la gestion du Centre Extra-Coutumier de Coquilhatville: 1952-1958. In Annales Aequatoria, XVI, p. 307-338.
Lufungula, L. (1992). Ernest Itela, chef du C.E.C. de Coquilhatville (1934-1953). In Annales Aequatoria, XIII, p. 499-504.
Lufungula L. (1986). Les gouverneurs de l’Equateur: 1885-1960. In Annales Aequatoria, VII, p. 149-166.
Lufungula L. (1983). Il y a cent ans naissait Equateurville: l’ébauche de l’actuelle ville de Mbandaka (juin 1883-juin 1983). In Zaïre-Afrique: économie, culture, vie sociale, CLXXV, p. 301-312.
Luyten, H. & Vandenbussche, E. (1981). De onderzoeksapparaten uit het laboratoire de psychologie expérimentale van Prof. A. Michotte. Leuven: Acco.
M
MacGaffey, W. (1982). Education, religion and social structure in Zaïre. In Anthropology and Education Quarterly, XIII, p. 238-250.
Mackenzie, C.G. (1993). Demythologising the missionaries: a reassessment of the functions and relationships of Christian missionary education under colonialism. In Comparative Education, XXIX, p. 45-66.
Markowitz, M. (1973). Cross and Sword. The political role of the christian missions in the Congo. Stanford: University Press.
Marzorati, A. (1950). Perspectieven voor het jaar 2000. Belgisch Kongo. In Zaïre, VIII, p. 843-846.
Mayota, N. (1990). Poste protestant de Bolenge, in MBANDAKA, Hier et aujourd’hui. Eléments d’historiographie locale, Etudes Aequatoria 10, as published at www.abbol.com
Meeuwis, M. (1999). Flemish nationalism in the Belgian Congo versus Zairian anti-imperialism: continuity and discontinuity in language ideological debates. In Blommaert, J. (ed.), Language ideological debates. Berlin: de Gruyter. p. 381-423.
Mietzner, U. & Pilarczyk, U. (2004). Fotografien als Quellen in der erziehungswissenschaftlichen und historischen Forschung. http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/forum/id=394&type=diskussionen
Mirzoeff, N. (1999). An introduction to visual culture. London: Routledge.
Moriau, J. (1976). Werelduitbreiding. Pedagogisch-didactische vernieuwing in de lagere school 1905-1910. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven.
Mufwene, S.S. (2000). Contact languages in the Bantu area. At http://humanities.uchicago.edu/humanities/linguistics/faculty/mufw_bantucon.html
Mungala Sanzong, A. (1974). Education et société de changement, contribution à l’étude des bases socio-économiques du changement en milieu scolaire dans une région du Zaïre. Thèse pour le doctorat de 3ième cycle présentée auprès de l’université René Descartes à Paris.
N
Nelson, S.H. (1994). Colonialism in the Congo Bassin 1880-1940. Monographs in international studies. Africa series, 64. Athens: Ohio university.
Neudt, D. (2002). Wij hebben een taak in Kongo. De verbeelding van Afrika bij Jef Van Bilsen. Unpublished master’s thesis. University of Gent.
Ngandu Nkashama, P. (1972). La voix du congolais et la prise de conscience des évcolués. In Lectures Africaines. Bulletin du CELRIA (Centre d’études des litteratures d’Inspiration Africaine), I, 1.
Nkongolo, J.J. (1998). Quelle langue d’enseignement pour la République Démocratique du Congo? Une enquête à Kinshasa. Op DiversCité Langues. En ligne. Vol. III. At www.uquebec.ca/diverscite Novõa, A. (1995).
On history, history of education, and history of colonial education. In A. Novõa, M. Depaepe & E.V. Johanningmeier (eds.), The Colonial Experience in Education. Historical Issues and Perspectives. Paedagogica Historica. International Journal of the History of Education. Supplementary series 1. Gent: CSHP.
O
Odio Ons’Osang, V. (1992). Histoire de quelques avenues de Mbandaka. In Annales Aequatoria, XIII, p. 125-136.
Odio Ons’Osang, V. (1993). Histoire de quelques bâtiments à Mbandaka. In Annales Aequatoria, XIV, p. 437-44
Omakoko, A. (1999). L’enseignement de l’histoire en République Démocratique du Congo (ex-Zaïre). Diagnostic (1960-1980). Bern: Peter Lang.
P
Pels, P. (1993). Critical matters. Interactions between missionaries and Walguru in Colonial Tanganyika, 1930-1961. Studies in Anthropology and History, 22. Amsterdam: School of social research.
Pels, P. (1997). The anthropology of colonialism: culture, history, and the emergence of western governmentality. In Annual Review of Anthropology, XXVI, p. 163-183.
Pirotte, J. (1992).
Pierre Charles à Louvain. Les formes d’une “action” missionaire. In Spindler, M. & Gadille, J. (ed.) Sciences de la mission et formation missionaire au XXe siècle. Actes de la XIIe session du CREDIC. Lyon/Bologna: Editions Lyonnaises d’Art et d’Histoire/ Edizione Missionarie Italiane. p. 67-86
Pirotte, J. (1973).
Périodiques missionnaires belges d’expression française. Reflets de cinquante années d’évolution d’une mentalité (1889-1940). UCL. Recueil de travaux d’histoire et de philologie. Série 6, 2. Leuven: Bureau du recueil.
Pirotte, J. & Soetens, C. (2003). Les missions à l’époque coloniale. In Pirotte, J. & Zelis, G. (eds.) Pour une histoire du monde catholique au 20e siècle Wallonie-Bruxelles. Guide du chercheur. Arca: Louvain-La-Neuve. p. 681-707.
Poels, V. (1996). Op glad ijs? Kanttekeningen bij het gebruik van orale bronnen voor het onderzoek naar de Scandinavische missiegeschiedenis. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, V, 4, p. 388-401.
Poncelet, M. (1997).
Une histoire sociale du siècle d’Africanisme Belge. Lille: Atelier national de reproduction des thèses.
Popkewitz, T.S. (2000). The denial of change in educational change: systems of ideas in the construction of national policy and evaluation. In Educational Researcher, XXIX, p. 17-29.
Pratt, D. (1972). How to find and measure bias in textbooks. Englewood Cliff: Educational Technology publications.
Preiswerk, R. en Perrot, D. (1978). Ethnocentrism and history: Africa, Asia and Indian America in western textbooks. New York: NOK Publishers.
Provoost, A. (1994). De katholieke missionaire mentaliteit in Belgisch-Kongo ten aanzien van de intellectuele capaciteiten van de zwarte. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U. Leuven.
Q
Quaghebeur, M. & Kangomba, J.C. (2002). Figures et paradoxes de l’histoire au Congo Belge. Theme issue of Congo-Meuse, Paris: L’Harmattan.
Quaghebeur, P. (2002). De Eucharistische Kruistocht. In Ghequiere, R. & Quaghebeur, P. (ed.) Averbode, een uitgever apart (1877-2002). Leuven/Averbode: University Press/ Averbode Press. p. 92-173.
R
Richardson, R. (1986). The hidden messages of schoolbooks. In Journal of Moral Education, XV, 1, 26-42
Rist, G. (1996). Le développement. Histoire d’une croyance occidentale. Paris: Presses de sciences po.
Rogiers, A. (1928). L’oeuvre pédagogique de m. François Collard. Liège: Vaillant-Carmanne.
Rubbens, A. (1949). Le colour-bar au Congo Belge. In Zaïre, V, p. 503-514.
Ryckmans, F. & D’Agostino, E. (2000). Mémoires noires d’une indépendance. Commentary series RTBF radio. Texts published at http://www2.rtbf.be/jp/matin/congo/
S
Sanderson, J.-P. (1999). Le discours démographique colonial Belge à l’épreuve de l’analyse de contenu. Louvain-la-Neuve, Document de travail n°4, Département des Sciences de la population et du Développement. At http://www.sped.ucl.ac.be/dtnouv.html
Schalbroeck, I. (1986). Belgisch-Kongo. De dekolonisatie van een kolonie. Tielt: Lannoo.
Seghers, M. (2004). Phelps-Stokes in Congo: Transferring Educational Policy Discourse to Govern Metropole and Colony. In Paedagogica Historica, XL, 4, p. 69-113.
Smith, H. (1949).
Fifty years in Congo. Disciples of Christ at the Equator. Indianapolis: United Christian Missionary Society.
Soetens, C. (2000). La vocation d’une centaine de missionnaires belges (1904-1965). Premiers résultats d’une enquête orale. In Derroitte, H. & Soetens, C. (1999). La mémoire missionaire. Théologies pratiques. Bruxelles: Lumen Vitae.
Soetens, C. (1989). La vocation d’une centaine de missionaires belges. Enqûete orale. In Zorn, J-F. (ed.), L’appel à la mission: formes et évolution XIXe-XXe siècles. 9e Session du CREDIC, Nijmegen, 14-17 juin 1988, Lyon: University Jean Moulin – Lyon III.
Steenbrink, K. (1995). Enkele tendensen in de recente missiegeschiedenis. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, IV, p. 342-355.
Stengers, J. (1989). Congo: mythes et réalités: 100 ans d’histoire. Gembloux: Duculot.
Stengers, J. (1957). Combien le Congo a-t-il coûté à la Belgique? Académie royale des Sciences coloniales. Classe des Sciences morales et politiques. Mémoires in-8°. Nouvelle Série, fasc. 11, 1. Bruxelles: Académie royale des Sciences coloniales.
Storme, M. (1952). L’abbé Forget (1852-1933) et le séminaire Africain de Louvain. In Zaïre: Congolees tijdschrift, VI, p. 787-808.
Storme, M. (1952). Léopold II, les missions du Congo et la fondation du séminaire Africain de Louvain. In Zaïre: Congolees tijdschrift, VI, p. 3-24.
T
Tempels, P. (1949). Lettres de noirs évolués. In La Revue Nouvelle, V, 4, p. 410-418.
Tihon, A. (1997). Geschiedenis van de Kerk in België in de negentiende en twintigste eeuw. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, VI, p. 361-377.
Torfs, F. (1958). Een onderzoek naar de betekenis van het geschiedenisonderricht in de scholen voor monitors van Belgisch Kongo en Ruanda-Urundi. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven.
Tshimanga, C. (2001). Jeunesse, formation et société au Congo/Kinshasa 1890-1960. Paris: L’Harmattan.
Tumba, M. (1974). Réflexion sur l’évolution de la fonction de l’éducation au Zaïre. In LIKUNDOLI – Enquêtes d’Histoire Zaïroise, II, 1, p. 45-52.
V
Van Bilsen, J., Gérard-Libois, J. & Govaert, S. (1994). Congo 1945-1965. La fin d’une colonie. Bruxelles: Crisp.
Van Caeyseele, L. (2004). Gustaaf Hulstaert. Katholiek en/of indigenist? Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven.
Van Daele, R. (1959). De rol der jeugdbewegingen in Belgisch-Kongo. Onderzoek naar het eigen Afrikaans pedagogisch milieu. Enquête over het dagelijks leven der jeugd in het Afrikaanse binnenland der Kasayi-provincie. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven.
Vander Elst, G. (1960). Population des écoles au Congo Belge avant l’indépendance. Cemubac 48. Bruxelles: CEMUBAC.
Vanderlinden, J. (1994). Pierre Ryckmans 1891-1959. Coloniser dans l’honneur. Bruxelles: De Boeck Université.
Vandersmissen, J. (2001). De wetenschappelijke exploratie. In Geschiedenis van de wetenschappen in België 1815-2000. Deel 1. Tournai/ Brussel: La Renaissance du Livre/ Dexia Bank.
Vandeweyer, L. (1994). Paternalisme versus ontvoogding. Een katholiek emancipatieproject voor de Belgische kolonie Kongo (1955-1960). In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, III, p. 252-271.
Van Doorslaer, R. (2003). De ondergang van de kolonialen. Over Peter Verlindens ‘Weg uit Congo’, de sociale herinnering van de kolonialen en de wetenschappelijke geschiedschrijving. In Bijdragen tot de Eigentijdse Geschiedenis, XI, p. 161-175.
Van Garsse, L. (1982). De Eucharistische Kruistocht in Vlaanderen (1920-1945). Beschrijving en analyse van een kwarteeuw zedelijk-godsdienstige vorming. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U. Leuven.
Van Gorp, A. (2004). Gedragswetenschap in de steigers. Het psycho-pedagogisch vertoog van Ovide Decroly ontmythologiseerd? Unpublished doctoral thesis. K.U. Leuven.
Vanhee, H. & Arnaut, K. (2001).
De postkoloniale Afrikanistiek in België en de Verenigde Staten. Een interview met Jan Vansina. In Forum, Belgische vereniging van Afrikanisten, XXI, augustus 2001, p. 11-19.
Vanhee, H. & Castryck, G. (2002).
Belgische historiografie en verbeelding over het koloniale verleden. In Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis, XXXII, 3-4, p. 305-320.
Van Hove, J. (1968). Histoire du Ministère des Colonies. Académie royale des sciences d’outre-mer. Classe des sciences morales et politiques, Nouvelle Série, 35, 3. Bruxelles: ARSOM.
Van Hove, J. (1954). Belgisch Congo en Ruanda Urundi. In D’Espallier, V. (ed.), Katholieke encyclopaedie voor opvoeding en onderwijs. ’s Gravenhage: Pax, vol. 1, p. 228-237.
Van Hove, J. (1953). L’oeuvre d’éducation au Congo Belge et au Ruanda-Urundi. In Encyclopédie du Congo Belge. Bruxelles: Bieleveld, vol. 3, p. 749-789.
Van Laere, M. (1986). De schoolstrijd in Belgisch Congo onder Auguste Buisseret (1954-1958). Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U. Leuven.
Van Rompaey, L. (1994). De ontwikkeling van de katholieke jeugdbewegingen in Belgisch Kongo (1908-1960). In Bulletin van het Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome, LXIV, p. 85-111.
Van Rompaey, L. (1992). Mission et éducation physique dans le Congo belge (1908-1960). In Monés, J. & Solà, P. (eds.), Education, physical activities and sport in a historical perspective. Conference working papers XIVe ISCHE Conference. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya. Secretaria general de l’esport. p. 307-312.
Vansina, J. (1995).
A clash of cultures: African minds in the colonial era. In Curtin, P., Feierman, S., Thompson, L. & Vansina, J. (eds.) African history. From earliest times to independence. 2nd edition. London/New York: Longman. p. 469-485.
Vanthemsche, G. (1994). Genèse et portée du “Plan décennal” du Congo belge (1949-1959). Académie royale des sciences d’outre-mer. Classe des Sciences Morales et Politiques, Mémoires in-8, Nouvelle Série, 51, 4. Bruxelles: ARSOM.
Van Wiele, J. (2001). The necessity for a contextual approach in the methodology of religious school textbook analysis. A case study on the basis of the theme Islam. In Paedagogica Historica, XXXVII, p. 369-390.
Van Wing, J. (1951). De katholieke missies in Belgisch-Congo en Ruanda-Urundi. In Algemene Atlas van Congo. Brussel: Koninklijk Belgisch koloniaal instituut.
Vanysacker, D. (1999). Les missions belges et néerlandaises au cours des 19e et 20e siècles. In Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, LV, p. 241-270.
Vellut, J.L. (2002). Jan Vansina on the Belgian historiography of Africa: Around the agenda of a bombing raid. A reply to ‘History facing the present: an interview with Jan Vansina’. In H-Africa online, 13 February 2002. At www.h-net.msu.edu/~africa/africaforum /Vellut.htm
Venard, M. (1992). Geschiedenis van de Belgische provincie van de Dochters van O.L.Vrouw van het Heilig Hart. Brussel: Provincialaat Dochters van O.L.Vrouw van het H. Hart.
Verhaegen, B. (1984). Paradoxes Zaïroises. In Revue canadienne des études africaines, XVIII, 1, p. 73-79.
Verhelst, C. (1994). De protestantse missionaire actie in Belgisch-Kongo (1908-1960). Onuitgegeven licentiaatsverhandeling. K.U.Leuven.
Vermeir, O. (1980). La fin de la mission des Trappistes à L’Equateur (1920-1926). In Annales Aequatoria, I, p. 213-238.
Vermeir, O. (1976). De missie van de paters Trappisten in Belgisch Congo, 1894-1926. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven.
Verzijlbergen, E. (1999). ‘Hollandse vrouwen die wisten van handelen’ Of hoe doe ik recht aan de integriteit van het verhaal van de verteller. In Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies, II, 1, p. 54-61.
Vinck, H. (2004). Assimilatie of inculturatie. Conflicten tussen de Broeders van de Christelijke Scholen en de Diocesane Onderwijsinspectie in Coquilhatstad. 1930- 1945. Lecture given at the meeting of the BNVGOO (Belgian Dutch Association for the history of Education), Amsterdam, 19 March 2004. Unpublished text.
Vinck, H. (2003). Les manuels scolaires des Pères Trappistes au Congo Belge (1895-1925). In Depaepe, M., Briffaerts, J., Kita Kyankenge Masandi, P. & Vinck, H., Manuels et Chansons scolaires au Congo Belge. Leuven: Presses Universitaires. p. 95-131.
Vinck, H. (2002). A l’école au Congo Belge. Les livres de lecture de G. Hulstaert 1933-1935. Introduction et textes. In Annales Aequatoria, XXIII, p. 21-196.
Vinck, H. (2002). Verborgen bronnen van koloniale geschiedschrijving: tijdschriften in Afrikaanse talen. Onuitgegeven tekst.
Vinck, H. (2001). “Nous et les Blancs” (Iso la Bendele). Considérations (1938) de Paul Ngoi sur la vie traditionelle des mongo et leur confrontation avec la colonisation belge. Unpublished text.
Vinck, H. (2000). De studie van het schoolboek in Belgisch Kongo. In Koninklijke Academie voor Overzeese Wetenschappen. Mededelingen der Zittingen, XLVI, p. 83-100.
Vinck, H. (2000). Dimension et inspiration de l’oeuvre de Gustaaf Hulstaert. In Revue Africaine des sciences de la mission, VII, p. 206-236.
Vinck, H. (1999). Livrets scolaires coloniaux: méthodes d’analyse – approche herméneutique. In History in Africa. A Journal of Method, XXVI, p. 379-408.
Vinck, H. (1998). Manuels scolaires coloniaux. Un florilège. In Annales Aequatoria, XIX, p. 4-166.
Vinck, H. (1998). Un catalogue des ‘ouvrages scolaires et publications pour indigènes au Congo Belge’ à la Bibliothèque africaine à Bruxelles. In Annales Aequatoria, XIX, p. 405-406.
Vinck, H. (1998). L’enseignement de l’histoire au Congo Belge. Deux textes contradictoires. In Annales Aequatoria, XIX, p. 167-194.
Vinck, H. (1996). L’influence des missionnaires sur la prise de conscience ethnique et politique des Mongo (Zaïre), 1925-1965. In Revue Africaine des Sciences de la Mission, III, 4, p. 131-147.
Vinck, H. (1995). The influence of colonial ideology on schoolbooks in the Belgian Congo. In Paedagogica Historica. International Journal of the History of Education, XXXI, p. 355-405.
Vinck, H. (1992). Resistance and collaboration at the beginning of the colonization in Mbandaka (1883-1893). In Müller, E. & Brandstetter, A.M. (Eds.), Forschungen in Zaïre. In Memoriam Erika Sulzmann. Münster: LIT. p. 481-508.
Vinck, H. (1990). Terminologie scolaire du Lomongo. In Annales Aequatoria, XI, p. 281-325.
Vinck, H. (ed.) (1990). Mbandaka. Hier et aujourd’hui. Eléments d’historiographie locale (Etudes Aequatoria 10), Mbandaka: Centre Aequatoria.
Vinck, H. (1987). Le cinquantième anniversaire du Centre Aequatoria. In Annales Aequatoria, VIII, p. 431-441.
Vinck, H. (1983).Dossier. Le centenaire de Mbandaka. In Annales Aequatoria, IV, p. 135-172.
Vinck, H. (1983). La presse à Mbandaka. In Annales Aequatoria, IV, p. 157-164.
Vincke, E. (1985). Géographes et hommes d’ailleurs. Analyse critique de manuels scolaires. Bruxelles: Centre Bruxellois de Recherche et Documentation Pédagogiques.
Vints, L. (1996). Beeld van een zending. Nieuwe propagandamedia voor de missies. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, V, p. 369-387.
Vints, L. (1987). Kongo made in Belgium. Beeld van een kolonie in film en propaganda. Leuven: Kritak.
W
Wilson, C. (1954). The history of Unilever: A study in economic growth and social change, 2 vols. London: Cassell.
Wynants, P. (2002).
België en Nederland op gescheiden wegen? Geschiedschrijving van vrouwelijke congregaties 1990-2000. In Trajecta: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van het Katholiek Leven in de Nederlanden, XI, p. 65-75.
Y
Yates, B. (1980). The origins of language policy in Zaïre. In The Journal of Modern African Studies. XVIII, 2, p. 257-280.
Z
Zorgbibe, C. (2004) Senghor and Sheik Anta Diop or the restoration of African conscience. At www.african-geopolitics.org

SOURCES

A. Archive collections
1. Aequatoria archives (catalogue may be consulted via www.aequatoria.be)

I had every facility and material available to me thanks to the care and enthusiastic assistance of Father Honoré Vinck, the director of the Aequatoria research centre.
The “Ecoles” collection, one of the main sections of the archives, provided the foundation material for our research. Other collections (the Hulstaert collection and Boelaert collection) were also consulted, albeit sporadically. The “Ecoles” collection was available to us on microfilm. The other collections could always be consulted with Honoré Vinck in Lovenjoel.
In addition Honoré Vinck was also an irreplaceable help in finding all kinds of individual documents and information and always kept his own library in Lovenjoel open to us.

2. Archives of the Sacred Heart Missionaries in Boelaerlei, Borgerhout.
The personal archives and library of the Sacred Heart Missionaries in their community in Borgerhout are also under the direction of Honoré Vinck. These were also consulted, specifically for reading the periodicals of the MSC aspirants, De Vloed and De Toekomst, the reports of the mission club, for searching all kinds of specific information and for finding visual material (maps and photographs).

3. Africa Archives, Belgian Foreign Ministry, Karmelietenstraat 15, 1000 Brussels.
The “Missions” collection was consulted. More specifically the following file numbers were consulted in detail:

no. 604: period before 1914, includes the correspondence from / with the Trappists / Redemptorists
no. 635: contains information on the Trappists in the Coquilhatville region in the 1914-1940 period.
no. 647: “Inspection – statistiques / écoles libres”; contains correspondence over the years 1925-1927 (according to the inventory), including a file on Coquilhatville.
no. 649: continuation of 647, year 1928.

The archives contained a large quantity of material still in the inventory stage. Electronic processing of the data was in progress during our consultations (May-August 2001). A section of the electronic inventory is accessible. A number of portfolios were consulted from there, specifically the numbers:

10.776 “Congo Belge Année 1933”
12.432 “Inspection MEU CBM BMS”
12.452 “Inspection VA Coq 1949 à 1953”
16.484 “Rapports d’inspection écoles primaires”
19.289 “Rapports mensuels hopital des noirs / groupe scolaire Coq.”

4. Catholic documentation and research centre for religion, culture and society (Katholiek documentatie- en onderzoekscentrum voor religie, cultuur en samenleving) (KADOC), Vlamingenstraat 39, 3000 Leuven.

In addition to a number of individual documents and sources, I was also able to consult a few collections at the KADOC. The most important of these was certainly the “De Cleene – De Jonghe Papers” of which file numbers 13, 26, 58, 66, 70, 89, 95, 107, 109, 136, 143, 169, 193, 198, 211, 221-222, 230, 247-249, 251, 253 and 256 were consulted in detail. In addition, earlier archival research in the “Brys Papers“ was also used.

5. University archives K.U.Leuven, Ladeuzeplein, 3000 Leuven.

A few files were specifically consulted in the Archives of rector Paulin Ladeuze, namely the file “centre infirmiers-missionnaires” and the file “école commerciale”.

6. Other archive collections

– Archives of the Lazarist Fathers, Kardinaalstraat 2, 3000 Leuven.

Individual documents relating to the activity of the Sisters of Charity; Mission periodicals.

– Jules Cornet Papers (Brothers of the Christian Schools), Fexhe-Glin.

Documentation, collected by Brother Cornet, amongst others on the basis of his own research in the archives of the parent house of the Brothers in Rome.

– Lies Van Rompaey Notes

The notes and documentation made and collected during the research project that resulted in the publication of “In het teken van de bevoogding” were made available to us, very methodically ordered, by Lies Van Rompaey. This documentation contains a large number of articles or summaries thereof and extensive notes and transcriptions of documents from archive collections of a number of Catholic congregations in Rome, active over the entire territory of the Belgian Congo. Specifically the notes relating to the Brothers of the Christian Schools were very useful to us.

B. Periodicals consulted

1. Mission periodicals

Annalen van Onze Lieve Vrouw van het Heilig Hart.
Borgerhout: Missionaries of the Sacred Heart
Volumes 37 (1926) – 71 (1960).
Annales de la congrégation de la mission et de la compagnie des Filles de la Charité.
Volumes 90 (1925) – 125 (1960).
Bulletin des Ecoles Chrétiennes.
Volumes 1 (1907) – 41 (1960).
De kleine bode van de H. Vincentius a Paulo en van de gelukzalige Louise de Marillac.
Leuven: Lazarist missionaries.
Volumes 1 (1930) – 9 (1938).
Het missiewerk in Belgisch Congoland distrikt van den evenaar door de EE. PP. Trappisten, hervormde cisterciënzers der abdij van Westmalle.
Westmalle: Cistercian Abbey.
Volumes 1 (1904) – 11 (1914).
Saint Vincent de Paul. Revue trimestrielle des Lazaristes et des Filles de la Charité.
Volumes 1 (1939) – 10 (1953).
Sint Vincentius A Paulo, driemaandelijks tijdschrift van de Lazaristen en van de Dochters der Liefde.
Volumes 1 (1939) – 17 (1960).

2. Other periodicals

La Voix du Congolais.
Léopoldville: La Voix du Congolais.
Numbers. 1 (1945) – 165 (1959).

Aequatoria.
Bamanya: Missionaries of the Sacred Heart
Volumes 1 (1938) – 25 (1962).

Revue Pédagogique Congolaise (Bulletin du CEPSI).
Elisabethville/Léopoldville: CEPSI/Université Lovanium.
Numbers. 1 (September 1955) – 14 (December 1958).

Conférences Plénières des Ordinaires des missions du Congo-Belge et du Ruanda-Urundi, 1932, 1936, 1945, 1951 et 1956.
Reports.
Léopoldville: Le courrier d’Afrique.

Semaines missiologiques de Louvain.
Reports and summaries. 1923 – 1957.
Edited in the series Museum Lessianum, “section missiologique”.
Leuven: Museum Lessianum.

C. Official publications

1. Legal texts

Piron, P. & Devos, J. (1960).
Codes et lois du Congo Belge. Bruxelles: Larcier.

2. Official reports and minutes

Buisseret, A. (1947). L’enseignement au Congo Belge et au Ruanda-Urundi. In Rapport de la mission sénatoriale au Congo et dans les territoires sous tutelle Belge. Bruxelles: Senat Belge, p. 79-130.
Bureau du Comité Permanent du Congrès Colonial National (1922).
Rapport sur la question de l’enseignement au Congo. In Congo: Revue générale de la Colonie Belge, III, t. II.
Cayen, A. (1920).
De la formation d’une mentalité coloniale en Belgique. In Congrès Colonial National. Bruxelles: Lesigne.
Congrès colonial Belge (1926).
IIe Congrès colonial Belge. Bruxelles, 6 et 7 février 1926. première partie: rapports. Bruxelles: Lesigne.
De Jonghe, E. (1931). L’enseignement des indigènes au Congo Belge. Rapport présenté à la XXIe session de l’Institut Colonial International, à Paris, mai 1931. Bruxelles: Institut Colonial International.
Jones, T.J. (1921). Education in Africa. A study of West, South and Equatorial Africa by the African Education Commission, under the Auspices of the Phelps-Stokes Fund and Foreign Mission Societies of North America and Europe. New York: Phelps-Stokes Fund.
Melage [Frère] (1937). Les écoles du Congo Belge. Rapport rédigé à la demande de M.E. Rubbens, ministre des colonies. Manage: Masquelier-Tinsy.
Ministère des Colonies. (1949).
Plan décennal pour le développement économique et social du Congo Belge. 2 vol. Bruxelles: Editions De Visscher.
Van Overbergh, C. (1906).
La réforme de l’enseignement d’après le premier congrès international d’expansion mondiale (Mons, 1905). Bruxelles: Schepens. 2 v.
Wigny, P. (1949). Plan décennal pour le développement économique et social du Congo Belge. Introduction. Bruxelles: Editions De Visscher. p. XXIII-XXIV.

3. Curricula

Anonymous (1925).
Projet d’organisation de l’enseignement libre au Congo Belge avec le concours des Sociétés de Missions Nationales.

Anonymous (1929).
Organisation de l’enseignement libre au Congo Belge et au Ruanda-Urundi avec le concours des Sociétés de Missions Nationales. Dison : Imprimerie Disonaise.
Anonymous (1938).
Organisation de l’enseignement libre avec le concours des missions nationales.
Congo Belge. Inspection générale de l’enseignement. (1929). Instructions pour les inspecteurs provinciaux de l’enseignement relatives à l’organisation et au fonctionnement des écoles normales. Boma: Imprimerie du Congo Belge.
Congo Belge. Inspection générale de l’enseignement. (1929). Instructions pour les inspecteurs provinciaux relatives aux programmes à suivre dans les différentes écoles et à leur interprétation. Boma : Imprimerie du Congo Belge.
Congo Belge. Service de l’enseignement (1948).
Organisation de l’enseignement libre subsidié pour indigènes avec le concours des sociétés de missions chrétiennes: dispositions générales. Léopoldville: Service de l’enseignement.
Congo Belge. Service de l’enseignement (1948).
Organisation de l’enseignement libre subsidié pour indigènes avec le concours des sociétés de missions chrétiennes. Enseignement gardien. Enseignement général pour filles. Programmes d’études. Léopoldville: Service de l’enseignement.
Congo Belge. Service de l’enseignement (1948).
Organisation de l’enseignement libre subsidié pour indigènes avec le concours des sociétés de missions chrétiennes. Enseignement général pour garçons. Programmes d’études. Léopoldville: Service de l’enseignement.
Congo Belge. Service de l’enseignement (1952).
Organisation de l’enseignement libre subsidié pour indigènes avec le concours des sociétés de missions chrétiennes. Dispositions générales.
Ministère des Sciences et des Arts (1923).
Programme Type des écoles primaires communales. Bruxelles: Ministère des Sciences et des Arts.

4. Yearbooks and statistical overviews

– Mission yearbooks

Anonymous (1933).
Annuaire des missions catholiques belges. Dison: Winandy.
Anonymous (1934).
Annuaire catholique des Congégations religieuses en Belgique et au Congo et des missions belges. Dison: Winandy.
Ceuppens, J. (ed.). (1952). Het katholieke België en de missiën. Brussel: Pauselijke Missiewerken.
Ceuppens, J. (ed.). (1953-1954). Jaarboek voor de katholieke missiën van België. Brussel: Pauselijke Missiewerken.
Ceuppens, J. (ed.) (1955-1960). Missiejaarboek van België. Brussel: Pauselijke Missiewerken.
Corman, A. (ed.) (1924). Annuaire des missions catholiques au Congo belge. Bruxelles: Edition Universelle.
Corman, A. (ed.) (1935). Annuaire des missions catholiques au Congo belge. Bruxelles: Edition Universelle.
Pauselijke Missiewerken Brussel. (1960). Katoliek Jaarboek voor Kongo, Ruanda en Urundi. Brussel: Pauselijke Missiewerken.
Van Wing, J. & Goemé, V. (eds.) (1949). Annuaire des missions catholiques au Congo Belge et au Ruanda-Urundi. Bruxelles: Edition universelle.

– Statistical sources in relation to the missions and education in the Belgian Congo.

Bureau de l’Enseignement National Catholique (1963).
Annuaire Statistique 1962-1963. Kinshasa: BENC.
Nationaal instituut voor de Statistiek (1929-1959).
Statistisch Jaarboek voor België en Belgisch Congo. Brussel : NIS.
Office de l’information et des relations publiques pour le Congo-Belge et le Ruanda-Urundi (1958).
Le Congo Belge. Bruxelles: INFOR-Congo, 2 vol.

D. Biographical and bibliographical works

1. General

Nouvelle Biographie Nationale, Bruxelles: Académie royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux-arts de Belgique.

Nationaal Biografisch Woordenboek, Brussel: Koninklijke academiën van België.

Verheyen, J.E. & Casimir, R. (1939). Paedagogische Encyclopedie. Antwerpen: De Sikkel. 2 vol.

2. The Belgian Congo

Académie Royale des Sciences d’Outre-Mer (1948-1989).
Biographie coloniale Belge, later Biographie Belge d’Outre-Mer. Bruxelles: Académie Royale des Sciences d’Outre-Mer.
Boogaerts, M. (1969). Bibliographie zum Erziehungswesen im Kongo. In Boogaerts, M., Bruch, M. en Seiler, A. (eds.), Bibliographien zu Erziehung, Politik und Geschichte im Kongo-Kinshasa, Erziehung und Politik in Afrika 7. Freiburg: Bertelsmann.
Van Grieken-Taverniers, M. (1981). La colonisation belge en Afrique centrale. Guide des Archives Africaines du Ministère des Affaires Africaine 1885-1962. Bruxelles : Ministère des Affaires Etrangères.
Vellut, J.-L., Loriaux, F. & Morimont, F. (1996). Bibliographie historique du Zaïre à l’époque coloniale (1880-1960). Travaux publiés en 1960-1996, (Enquêtes et Documents d’Histoire Africaine 14), Louvain-la-Neuve : Centre d’histoire de l’Afrique.

3. Sacred Heart Missionaries

Lauwers, J. (1992). Standplaats van de Missionarissen van het H.Hart in Kongo tot 1992. Unedited document.
Vereecken, J. (1992). Wij Gedenken. Derde reeks bibliografische schetsen van MSC van de Belgische Provincie. Borgerhout: MSC.
Vereecken, J. (1985). Wij Gedenken. Tweede reeks bibliografische schetsen van MSC van de Belgische Provincie. Borgerhout: MSC.
Vereecken, J. (1982). Wij Gedenken. Eerste reeks bibliografische schetsen van MSC van de Belgische Provincie. Borgerhout: MSC.
MSC (1975). 50 jaar in Zaïre (Jubilee edition of MSC – kring, August 1975).
De Rop, A. & Vinck, H. (1971). Bibliografie van de Missionarissen van het Heilig Hart. Borgerhout: MSC.
MSC (1966).
Symbolum historiae M.S.C. Rome: MSC.

E. Scientific works and published sources

Anonymous (1958). Universiteiten van Belgisch-Congo en van Ruanda Urundi, government information leaflet Brussel.
Anonymous (1925). Eenige woorden over de Missie-congregatie van het Onbevlekt Hart van Maria Scheut-bij-Brussel. Stichting en werking. Innerlijke organisatie. Antwerpen: Dirix-Van Riet.
Anonymous (1901). De kapel van O.L.Vrouw van Gratie en het seminarie der missiën te Scheut-bij-Brussel, Brussel: Polleunis en Ceuterick.
Apostolische School Turnhout (1947). Bij het 75 jarig bestaan van de Apostolische School van Turnhout (1872-1947). Brochure.
Boelaert, E. (1930). Onder het kruis van Tugude. Leuven: Davidsfonds.
Bogaerts, L., Noels, F. & Suetens, J. (1960). Taalwerkboek 5. zesde leerjaar. Lier: Jozef Van In & co.
Bolamba, A.R. (1949). Les problèmes de l’évolution de la femme noire. Léopoldville: Editions de l’Essor du Congo.
Brelsford, V. [vertaald en becomentarieerd door G. Hulstaert] (1944).
Pédagogie Civilisée et Pédagogie Primitive. In Aequatoria, VII, p. 24-27.
Breuls, M. (1940). A propos d’éducation. In Grands Lacs, LVI, 4-5-6, p. 58-61.
Comité des Supérieurs de missionnaires au Congo (1922).
M. le Gouverneur général Lippens et les missions catholiques du Congo. Bruxelles: Vromant.
Conférence des supérieurs des missions catholiques du Congo Belge (1930). Recueil d’instructions aux missionnaires. 6eme édition. Leuven: Kuyl-Otto.
Conrad, J. (1902). Heart of darkness.

Coppens, P. (1950). Le programme de l’enseignement d’après le plan décennal. In La revue coloniale belge, IV, 104, p. 79-81.
De Cleene, N. & Malengreau, G. (1950). In memoriam Edouard De Jonghe. In Zaïre, 2, p. 118-121.
De Clercq, A. [Mgr.]. (1936). La presse dans nos missions. In Compte-rendu de la troisième conférence plénière des Ordinaires des missions du Congo Belge et du Ruanda-Urundi. p. 15.
De Clercq, A. [Mgr.]. (1932). Question Scolaire. In Compte-rendu de la première conférence plenière des ordinaires de missions du Congo Belge et du Ruanda-Urundi. p. 77.
De Jonghe, E. (1922). L’instruction publique au Congo belge. In Congo, 1922, III, p. 501-530.
De Jonghe, E. (1922). Ons beschavingswerk in Belgisch Congo. Opvoeding en onderwijs. Antwerpen: Van Riet.
Dochters der Liefde (1926). De dochters der Liefde van den H. Vincentius A Paulo. Tilburg: Dochters der Liefde. p. 167.
Dochters van Onze-Lieve-Vrouw van het Heilig Hart (1955). Congregatie van de dochters van Onze Lieve Vrouw van het Heilig Hart. Brochure. Lyon: Lescuyer.
Dochters van Onze-Lieve-Vrouw van het Heilig Hart (s.d.). Dochters van O. L. Vrouw van het Heilig Hart: missiezusters. Brochure. De Bièvre: Brasschaat.
Dries, R. (1910). Het beschavingswerk der Cisterciënzers in de Evenaarsstreek. In Onze Kongo, 1, p. 51.
Dupéroux, A. (1950). Education et formation professionnelles au Katanga. In Bulletin du CEPSI, V, 14. p. 153-168.
Ecole Coloniale Supérieure d’Anvers. (1920).
Ecole Coloniale Supérieure d’Anvers. Brochure. Bruxelles: Mertens.
Ganshof Van der Meersch, W. (1960). Congo mai-juin 1960. Rapport du ministre chargé des affaires générales en Afrique. Bruxelles, s.n.
Geerts, F. (1948). Ontwikkeling der kerkelijke indeling en der kerkelijke hiërarchie in Belgisch Kongo. In Kerk en Missie, 28, p. 9-18 en p. 40-49.
Gevaerts, F. (1952). De zedelijke Vorming en Selectie in de inlandse Lagere School van Belgisch Kongo. Unpublished master’s thesis K.U. Leuven.
Gille, A. (1957). L’enseignement organisé au Congo belge par les pouvoirs publics ou avec leurs concours. In Belgique d’Outre-Mer, XII, 273, p. 909-913.
Hulstaert, G. (1951). L’instruction des filles. In Aequatoria, XIV, p. 129-130.
Hulstaert, G. (1945). Formation générale et école primaire. In Aequatoria, VIII, 3, p. 87-91.
Jadot, J.M. (1959). Les écrivains africains du Congo belge et du Ruanda-Urundi. Une histoire – Un bilan – Des problèmes. Académie royale des Sciences coloniales. Classe des sciences morales et politiques. Mémoires In-8°. Nouvelle Série, 17, 2. Bruxelles: ARSOM.
Leclercq, F. (1936). L’école Saint-Boniface à Elisabethville. In Le bulletin des missions, XXXII, p. 27-30.
Lefebvre, R. (1955). De voorgeschiedenis der schoolconventie met de nationale missies in Belgisch Congo. Unpublished doctoral thesis. K.U. Leuven.
Liesenborghs, O. (1940). Visite-éclair aux écoles congolaises. In Grands Lacs, LVI, 4-5-6. p. 71-74.
Liesenborghs, O. (1940). Het Belgisch koloniaal onderwijswezen. In Vlaamsch Opvoedkundig Tijdschrift, XXI, 8-9-10. p. 448-490.
Liesenborghs, O. (1940). L’instruction publique des indigènes du Congo Belge. In Congo: Revue générale de la Colonie Belge, XXI, 3, p. 233-272.
Maus, A. (1940). Raisons et modalités de l’enseignement aux indigènes. In Grands Lacs, DVI, 4-5-6, p. 48-57.
Maus, A. (1939). Le nouveau programme de l’enseignement libre. In Congo: Revue générale de la Colonie Belge, XX, 1, p. 1-20.
Maus, A. (1938). Le nouveau programme de l’enseignement libre. In Congo: Revue générale de la Colonie Belge. XIX, 10, p. 490- 525.
Missiewerk van de Broeders van de Christelijke Scholen in Congo (1948). Zaaiers onder de Afrikaanse hemel. Missiebrochure.
Missine, L.E. (1968). L’institut facultaire de psychologie et de pédagogie. Son organisation et ses recherches. Kinshasa: Lovanium.
Missionaires du Sacré Coeur (1955).
Bosako w’oyengwa III. Coquilhatville: MSC. Missionnaires du Sacré Coeur (1935).
Buku ea mbaanda I (Livre de lecture). Turnhout: Brepols. French translation of the text available at http://www.abbol.com/commonfiles/docs_projecten/colschoolbks/bukuea.php
Missionnaires du Sacré Coeur (1933). Buku ea njekola eandelo la ekotelo I. Coquilhatville: MSC.
Mortier, F. (1953). L’université Leopold II au Congo Belge. Bruxelles: Imprimerie Louis.
Rikken, B. (1957). De Eerste Schoolconventie tussen Staat en Missie in Belgisch-Kongo. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U. Leuven.
Scalais, F. (1950). La réorganisation scolaire au Congo Belge. In Zaïre: revue congolaise, IV, p. 421-428.
Six, G. [Mgr.] (1936). L’Action sociale au Congo. In Compte-Rendu de la troisième conférence plénière des Ordinaires du Congo Belge et du Ruanda-Urundi. p. 155.
Steenberghen, R. (1944). Les programmes de l’école primaire indigène rurale au Congo Belge. Unpublished master’s thesis. K.U.Leuven.
Université Catholique de Louvain. (1911).
Ecole des sciences commerciales, financières, consulaires et coloniales. Diplômes reconnus par le gouvernement. Brochure. Gembloux: Duculot.
Van Bol, J.M. (1957).
La presse quotidienne au Congo Belge. Bruxelles: La pensée catholique.
Van Goethem, E. [Mgr.] (1945). Charges budgétaires de l’enseignement et traitement des moniteurs. In Compte-Rendu de la troisième conférence plénière des Ordinaires du Congo Belge et du Ruanda-Urundi. Leopoldville. p. 163-183.
Van Riel, J. (1946). La réforme de l’enseignement indigène. In Les Vétérans Coloniaux, XVIII, 10, p. 17- 18.
Van Schingen, H. (1945). Instruction généralisée et progrès de l’enseignement des Noirs. In Troisième conférence plénière des Ordinaires des Missions du Congo Belge et du Ruanda-Urundi, 25 juin – 8 juillet 1945. Leopoldville: le Courrier d’Afrique. p.147-162.
Verhaegen, P. & Leblanc, M. (1955). Quelques considérations au sujet de l’éducation préprimaire de l’enfant noir. In Revue Pédagogique Congolaise, n° 2. XVII-XXXII.
Vinck, H. (2001). “Nous et les Blancs” (Iso la Bendele). Considérations (1938) de Paul Ngoi sur la vie traditionelle des mongo et leur confrontation avec la colonisation belge. Unpublished text.

With thanks to the staff at all these archives, for the help they were always very willing to give and with special thanks to the staff at the interlibrary loan department of the K.U. Leuven for their efficient and friendly service.

Documentaire uit 1992 van 8 afleveringen waarin de geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Antillen uit de doeken wordt gedaan.
In dit eerste deel van de eerste aflevering:
– Geologie van de Antillen
– Eerste menselijke bewoning van de Antillen

Meer YouTubekanaal Koninkrijk in de West: https://www.youtube.com/channel